Dearborn-Putnam controversy

Israel Putnam
Israel Putnam
Henry Dearborn
Henry Dearborn
Putnam and Dearborn were both present
during the Battle of Bunker Hill.

The Dearborn-Putnam controversy erupted in 1818 when Henry Dearborn published a post war account of General Israel Putnam's performance during the Battle of Bunker Hill in 1775. Both Putnam and the much younger Dearborn were present before and during the Battle, with Dearborn at the front lines while Putnam was about the battle scene directing troops and overseeing the construction of fortifications before the fighting began. Accounts of Putnam's presence during the Battle however have varied among veteran officers of the Battle and some historians. During the Battle there was a fair amount of disorganization among the hastily assembled American troops and militia making it difficult for any one participant to give an overall assessment of everyone's performance. The actual controversy was sparked when Dearborn published his account of the Battle in a political magazine accusing the now deceased Putnam of failing to supply reinforcements, inaction and cowardice. The sons of both Dearborn and Putnam defended their respective father's positions, while various Revolutionary War veterans also lent their support respectively. Along with Dearborn, both Republicans and Federalists, now bitter rivals, saw the controversy as an opportunity to advance their party and win the favor of the general public. Dearborn's efforts however were largely not well received and cost him his bid for the governorship of Massachusetts. His accusations resulted in a political and social controversy that was widely covered in the press, with several publications from officers present at the battle, and whose prominence lasted more than 20 years.

Putnam and Dearborn at the Battle of Bunker Hill

Map of the Battle of Bunker Hill area
Main article: Battle of Bunker Hill

The Battle of Bunker Hill occurred on June 17, 1775, in the early stages of the American Revolutionary War. After the Siege of Boston the British needed to secure control of the Charleston Peninsula overlooking Boston from the north across the Mystic River, giving them command of Boston Harbor and ultimately Boston itself.[1] General Thomas Gage believed that taking the peninsula from untrained rebels would be an easy task.[2] When the Committee of Safety learned a few days in advance that the British were going to try an occupy Dorchester Heights and Charlestown Peninsula it was decided to take the offensive, occupy the peninsula, fortify it and deny the British the advantage of this important and strategic location.[3] Word of British intentions spread fast among the colonies.[4]

Preparation

Upon hearing the news, Dearborn, at age 23, organized and led a local militia troop of 60 men from New Hampshire and joined up with Colonel John Stark’s 1st New Hampshire Regiment. General Putnam, second in command to Colonel William Prescott,[5][lower-alpha 1] and reportedly eager for battle, was already at Cambridge[lower-alpha 2] with 250 of his men from Connecticut.[2]

On July 16, Colonel Prescott, acting on orders from General Artemas Ward, assembled 1200 men from various regiments and companies[7][8] and departed from Cambridge[lower-alpha 3] at 9:00 that evening.[10] Putnam had procured the various entrenching tools and materials needed for building the fortifications, had them loaded into wagons and proceeded to Charlestown with Prescott.[3] There was some disorganization among the colonial troops, some of them with no commanding officers to lead them, along with disagreement among some of the officers as to how and where to prepare for battle.[11] After a two-hour meeting at Charlestown Neck, Putnam and Colonel Richard Gridley, an army engineer[3] had persuaded Prescott to fortify Breeds Hill.[7][10]

The American troops crossed Charlestown neck and proceeded up the gentle slopes of Bunker Hill. From there Prescott, for reasons that were never made completely clear,[7][12] went against orders, assembled a separate party of 1200 men and continued on two hundred yards further down the peninsula to Breed's Hill[lower-alpha 4] and under cover of darkness began construction of a redoubt and a rail fence that extended to Mystic River, with Gridley in command of construction, while the secondary fortifications were constructed on Bunker Hill.[2][9][10] This later proved to be a major tactical error.[3][13]

With construction of fortifications nearly completed Prescott offered Putnam command in the redoubt, but he declined. Instead, Putnam kept busy riding between Bunker and Breed's Hill and about the rail fence acting as a guide and directing troops.[14][15] Just prior to the battle, General Putnam came back to the redoubt, and urged Prescott that the entrenching tools should be sent back and used to fortify Bunker Hill or they would be lost.[15] Prescott was concerned that if he sent men to carry them away they would not return. Putnam assured Prescott that they would all return. A large party was then sent off with the tools where Prescott's fears were confirmed—not one the men them returned, including Putnam.[16]

Battle

The Battle of Bunker Hill,
by Howard Pyle, 1897

By daybreak the British became aware of the nearly completed redoubt and opened fire with cannon from ships and the floating batteries that almost surrounded Charlestown Peninsula, and from the battery on Copp's Hill, but with little effect.[17][18] When it was certain that the British would attack soon, Putnam took flight to Cambridge on horseback to request badly needed supplies and reinforcements from General Ward, but since Charleston Neck was under heavy fire from British ships at this time Ward, and fearing that General Gage might make his principle attack at Cambridge, Ward, not wanting to weaken his troop strength, only released one-third of Stark's regiment[19] for deployment at Charlestown.[17][20]

At 12:00 on July 17 British troops began crossing the harbor on barges from Boston and landed at Morton's Point on the peninsula, southeast from Breed's Hill. By 2:00 o'clock they had landed between 3000 and 4000 men, under the command of General Howe. Putnam's regiments then began marching for the peninsula across Charlestown neck under heavy cannon fire from British ships, where they arrived, fatigued from marching.[9] At this point Colonel Stark and Captain Dearborn arrived with their troops from New Hampshire and joined in with Prescott's troops, increasing American troop strength to about 1600.[4] Stark's regiment was positioned at the rail fence with Dearbonn in his right wing.[21]

The British Regulars made three attempts to take the fortified positions on Breed's Hill. The first two attempts proved to be a dismal failure with many British officers and infantry killed and wounded.[3][22] Orders were given not to fire upon the advancing British regulars until they were within fifty yards of the rebel fortifications. Some of the rebels made concerted efforts to spot and pick off British officers.[23] Dearborn was positioned on the right at the rail fence, which he claims gave him a fair view of the entire battle.[24] Prescott, realizing ammunition was getting low and needed to be conserved, instructed his men to fire at the advancing British only when they could see the whites of their eyes.[2][lower-alpha 5] When ammunition began to run out fire from the colonials almost came to a stop, where the British regulars charged the fortifications, with fixed bayonets.[25][26] The Americans, very few of them outfitted with bayonets,[27] began a hasty retreat, many of them unable to escape as the British regulars were on them too quickly, and a bloody hand-to-hand combat ensued. The British continued a merciless fire on the retreating colonials. This is when Joseph Warren, shot in the face at close range, was killed.[2][28] The British had won a tactical victory but had suffered many more casualties than did the American forces.[29]

Retreat

During the retreat Dearborn came upon Putnam behind the front lines at Bunker Hill who was still tending to the entrenching tools, one in hand, having them sent from Breeds hill before the battle had began.[16] General Andrew McClary also saw Putnam on Bunker-hill during the retreat with a spade in his hand.[30] Putnam was observed by several men in this capacity, including Major General William Heath, whose account of the Battle he published in his memoirs in 1798.[31] There are other historical accounts however that claim Putnam was covering the rebels retreating from Breed's Hill while he was at Bunker Hill, urging them to "make a stand here", and renew the fight at the unfinished breastworks.[32]

Dearborn later contended that the Battle could have been won if Putnam, who commanded a force approximately equal to that on the front lines, had advanced with his troops. He also maintained that the final advance by the Britsh was with great difficulty and had the American forces at the front lines not run out of ammunition the British would have lost the greater part of their army, compelling them to lay down their arms.[33] After the Battle any chance of reconciliation with the British was now gone as the heavy loses they incurred[lower-alpha 6] only strengthened their resolve to crush the rebellion.[35]

The controversy

Cover of The Port Folio

The controversy began in 1818, 43 years after the Battle of Bunker Hill,[36] when Henry Dearborn, who at the time was a Major General, published an account of his experience as a young captain at Bunker Hill in The Port Folio, a Philadelphia-based publication and leading political journal.[37][38] At the time Dearborn was running for governor of Massachusetts against the incumbent John Brooks. Being a Republican in a largely Federalist state, Dearborn badly needed favorable press on his side. When Charles Miner, the editor of The Port Folio, asked Dearborn to verify and edit a British soldier’s map depicting the Battle of Bunker Hill, he jumped at the opportunity. However Dearborn went further than that and gave a 14-page account of the battle.[39] In the process he accused the now deceased General Putnam, a popular patriot and Revolutionary War veteran, of incompetence, cowardly leadership and failing to provide support for the retreating American troops.[40] Dearborn's efforts were generally frowned upon, causing a political and a soon to be social controversy throughout New York and New England that lasted generations.[39][lower-alpha 7]

Putnam’s son, Colonel Daniel Putnam, angered by what he regarded as an unprovoked attack on his deceased father's character, came to his defense in a later issue of the Port Folio. Colonel Henry A. S. Dearborn, the General’s son, in like fashion responded by assisting his father and supported his position. Both families earnestly collected veterans’ depositions to substantiate their claims. Others, such as the popular Daniel Webster, entered the debate by publishing a pro-Putnam account in the North American Review, while Massachusetts Governor Brooks, a veteran of the battle at Bunker Hill, toured the battle site to refute General Dearborn’s account of the battle.[40]

For Dearborn, who recently suffered defeat as a Republican gubernatorial candidate, the controversy provided an opportunity to regain political prominence, while Federalists saw it as a way to besmirch Dearborn, embrace Putnam, and regain lost political favor for their party.[42]

There was general disagreement regarding individual contributions during the battle—many somewhat contradictory accounts had to be considered.[42]

Dearborn's 1818 account

During the Battle Dearborn served under Colonel John Stark at the front lines, near the right end of the rail fence.[14][43][44] In his controversial April 29, 1818 Port Folio account Dearborn directly attacked the integrity of Putnam's involvement at the Battle,[40] maintaining:

"I heard the gallant Col. Prescott (who commanded in the redoubt) observe, after the war, at the table of his Excellency James Bowdoin, then Governor of this Commonwealth, " that he sent three messengers during the battle to Gen. Putnam, requesting him to come forward and take the command, there being no general officer present, and the relative rank of the Colonel not having been settled ; but that he received no answer, and his whole conduct was such, both during the action and the retreat, that he ought to have been shot." He remained at or near the top of Bunker Hill until the retreat, with Col. Gerrish by his side; I saw them together when we retreated. He not only continued at that distance himself during the whole of the action, but had a force with him nearly as large as that engaged. No reinforcement of men or ammunition was sent to our assistance; and, instead of attempting to cover the retreat of those who had expended their last shot in the face of the enemy, he retreated in company with Col. Gerrish, and his whole force, without discharging a single musket; but what is still more astonishing, Col. Gerrish was arrested for cowardice, tried, cashiered, and universally execrated; while not a word was said against the conduct of Gen. Putnam, whose extraordinary popularity alone saved him, not only from trial, but even from censure."[45]

Daniel Putnam's account

The most frequently published response to the accusations levied at the late General Putnam by Dearborn was from his son Colonel Daniel Putnam which were first published in the July 1818 issue of the Port Folio, approximately two months after Dearborn's article appeared there.[46][40] The younger Putnam, apparently perplexed as to Dearborn's motives, expressed:

"What, Sir, could tempt you at this distant period to disturb the ashes of the dead, and thus, in the face of truth, to impose on the public such a miserable libel on the fair fame of a man who " exhausted his bodily strength, and expended the vigor of a youthful constitution in the service of his country" ? What, above all things, could induce you to assail the character of General Putnam^ in a point most of all others, perhaps, unassailable ; and to impeach with cowardice, a man always foremost in danger, a man, of whom it was proverbially said, as well by British as Provincial officers, that, in a service of great peril and hardship, from 1755 to 1763. He dared to lead where any dared to follow?"[47]

The younger Putnam's article attempted to present a point by point refutation of Dearborn's account. Claiming that "like an assassin in the dark cowardly mediated this insidious blow against...a character as much above your level, as your base calumny is beneath a Gentleman and an Officer."[48][49]

Dearborn's account of General Putnam's conduct was based upon his personal memories of the battle at Bunker Hill, some 43 years previous, whereas the younger Putnam, though not present at the battle, consulted and collected depositions from past veterans of the battle. He also presented a letter of thanks from George Washington to his father, written at the end of the war, with the idea that the greatly loved Washington, whose fame and reputation served as a protective shield, would never thank a man that acted as Dearborn had contended.[50]

Among the depositions was one from Thomas Grosvenor, present at the battle, contending that the most active officers at the area about the redoubt and the rail fence were indeed General Putnam along with Colonel Prescott and Captain Thomas Knowlton.[51] and that Dearborn's accusations were based either on ignorance or misrepresentation.[51]

Historical accounts of the battle

Revolutionary War scholar Henry S. Commager maintains that the best American accounts[lower-alpha 8] of the battle were recorded by ordinary soldiers and from civilian onlookers. British accounts however were primarily recorded by British generals such as Generals Howe, Gage and Burgoyne. The British accounts, although well written and chronicled, seemed as if they were prepared to be read in Parliament. The American accounts of the battle, though generally lacking in formal presentation, were direct and definitive, and possessed no sense of defeat or despair, though somewhat lacking in overall organization, reflecting the unconventional fighting style of the Americans. The witness accounts of both the Americans and the British naturally lent themselves to a fair measure of national pride.[52]

Contemporary accounts

Veteran accounts of the battle and Putnam's involvement materialized at different times years after the Revolution, usually in the form of letters or depositions:[46]

General Francis V. Green who was present during the Battle maintained, "No one exercised general command" and "Putnam did practically nothing as a commanding General."[53]

Some soldiers claimed that Putnam was much more active and enthusiastic, but not so at the rail fence, where Benjamin Pierce's and Dearborn's companies were positioned. Subsequently they didn’t see Putnam exercise much authority.

Reviewing the controversy in the North American Review, nationally popular Daniel Webster followed both Dearborn and Putnam, and said of the controversy that the issues concerned duty and character. Webster suggested that Dearborn stepped beyond the line of common decency by attempting to reprehend a widely respected war veteran who gave much of his life serving his country and who had long since been dead.[49]

In support of Dearborn's position, Colonel Benjamin Pierce who was present at the Battle maintained: "I have read your "Account of the Battle of Bunker’s-hill," and consider it to be more like the thing itself, than any statement I have ever seen.[54]

Contemporary publications

In the several decades that followed the American Revolution a number of accounts regarding Putnam's involvement at the Battle of Bunker Hill from war veterans and other witnesses were published, sometimes presenting a measure of inconsistency with other such accounts.

The New Hampshire Patriot on May 1, 1810 reported Stark’s disappointment with Putnam: "...as Stark proceeded to the rail fence in full view of Putnam, seen conversing with Colonel Gerrish, the Connecticut General supplied "no direction" to Stark. Hence, Putnam exercised no command and failed to take any initiative, a view roughly resembling Dearborn’s comments.[55]
Child – In 1819 David Lee Child published an account[56] that contained and critiqued various depositions of witnesses of Putnam's involvement and found several significant inconsistencies regarding Putnam's whereabouts during the retreat. Child notes that the deposition of Heuben Kemp places Putnam at Breastwork, while the deposition of Alexander Davidson has Putnam during the same time at rail fence, instructing Captain Ford to bring two field pieces to the rail fence, and then claims that after they were fired a number of times the British advance came close the musket firing commenced and Putnam disappeared during the firing, smoke and confusion.[57] Child also rebukes claims made by Colonel Samuel Swett's publication of 1818, Historical and topographical sketch of Bunker Hill battle, maintaining that he had proved Col. Swett misrepresented entirely the statement of Davidson...[58]
Child maintains that the only proof that Putnam was at the redoubt during the action is letter written by John Trumbull, who, years after the battle, had a conversation with British Colonel John Small in London. Small had claimed that he was in the advancing British line during the second attack on the redoubt and that almost everyone in front was killed or wounded by a volley fired from within the redoubt. Small says he was not hit but thought for sure he was about to be killed as several of the rebels trained their muskets on him, at which point Putnam reportedly shouted to the rebels "For God's sake lads, don't fire at that man; I love him as I do my brother!" Child dismisses the story that Small was out in front of the line, knowing at the time that the rebels had proved to be excellent marksman and were earnestly picking off British officers, and because it was customary for British officers to march behind rank and file, especially when they are advancing and preparing for a charge with fixed bayonets.[59]
Coffin – The controversy was kept alive when in 1831 when Charles Coffin compiled and published several accounts from American generals present at the Battle of Bunker Hill under one cover, entitled: History of the Battle of Breed's Hill. The publication contained the individual accounts of Major Generals William Heath, first published in 1798; Henry Lee, 1812; James Wilkinson, 1816; and Henry Dearborn, 1818 who were all doubtful of Putnam's overall performance during the battle.[60]
  • Extract from the Memoirs of Major-General William Heath, 1778
    — "Just before the action began, Gen. Putnam came to the redoubt, and told Col. Prescott that the entrenching tools must be sent off, as they would be lost ; the Colonel replied, that if he sent any of the men away with the tools not one of them would return; to this the General answered, they shall every man return. A large party was then sent off with the tools, and not one of them returned."[16]
  • Account of James Wilkinson, 1816,
    — "If General Putnam had moved up with Col. Gerrish and the men who remained stationary within 600 yards of the combat, which lasted an hour and a half the triumph of the provincials would have been decisive, and those of the British corps who were not killed must have surrendered, which would probably have terminated the contest…" [16][lower-alpha 9]
Fellows – The controversy was renewed again in 1843 when John Fellows, present at the Battle and former aide-de-camp to George Washington, published his book, The Veil Removed, where he introduces numerous letters and statements from veterans of the Battle regarding Putnam's performance and Dearborn's estimation of the battle overall. Several of the depositions were from notable people, further fomenting public attention, and generally consented to Dearborn's claims.[61][62]
  • Letter of Daniel Chaplin of Groton, and Rev. John Bullard of Pepperell, Groton, June 5, 1818, present with Prescott during the American retreat when he came upon Putnam and asked. In their statement of , they write of Prescott's encounter with Putnam:
    — "Why did you not support me, General, with your men, as I had reason to expect, according to agreement?" Putnam answered, " I could not drive the dogs up." Prescott pointedly said to him, " If you could not drive them up, you might have led them up.[62][63]
  • Letter of the Hon. Abel Parker, May 27, 1818, Judge of probate
    — "As I was in the battle on Breed's Hill, otherwise called Bunker Hill, on the 17th day of June, 1775, and there received one ball through my leg, another having passed through my clothes, all accounts of that battle which I have seen published, have been to me extremely interesting. But I have never seen any account which I considered in any degree correct, until the one published by Gen. Dearborn.[64]
  • Letter of General Michael McClary's, Epsom, May 10, 1818
    — "I was in the battle from its commencement to the end, and have no recollection of seeing Gen. Putnam in or near it. I was the principal part of the time the action continued near Col. Stark, who commanded the regiment to which I belonged, and on our retreat from Breed's Hill, in ascending Bunker Hill, I well remember seeing Gen. Putnam there on his horse, with a spade in his hand. Being an officer in the company under your father's command, I had an opportunity of knowing the circumstances generally attending the battle, and if Gen. Putnam had been there, that is, taken any part in it, I should have known it. " I am, dear sir, &c.,"Michael McClary."[65]

Aftermath

Dearborn’s accusations were not well received with most of the voters throughout New England. In his attempt to garner positive press coverage he committed a serious error by assaulting the honor of someone who was considered a notable war hero and who had long been deceased: Putnam had died in May 1790. Subsequently Dearborn lost his bid for the governorship of Massachusetts and major controversy over Putnam’s conduct followed which was covered frequently in the press. The controversy prompted a review of the battle which materialized in a number of publications for more than twenty years.[39][54]

On June 17, 1825, the 50th anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill, the scheduled cornerstone ceremony heralded the emerging consensus about Bunker Hill. During the ceremony no controversy clouded the event and no rancor over historical rankings materialized. Many thousands of citizens came to hear Daniel Webster dedicate the memorial cornerstone. Putnam was only mentioned once, along with John Stark, John Brooks, and others as among the original survivors of the battle, while William Prescott received special mention as a brave commander who presided over the American forces. [66]


See also

Notes

  1. ↑ Putnam, Prescott's senior by eight years, was a Major General of the Connecticut militia, but since Prescott was from Massachusetts, and most of the troops were from Massachusetts with a battle to be fought on Massachusetts soil, Prescott was given command.[5]
  2. ↑ Putnam had arrived at Cambridge in the aftermath of the Lexington Concord battles.[6]
  3. ↑ Headquarters and stores of ammunition were located at Cambridge.[9]
  4. ↑ The hill at the time was unnamed.
  5. ↑ Historians debate as to who exactly spoke these words first; they are attributed to a number of officers, including Putnam.
  6. ↑ British losses were 226 dead, 828 wounded; American losses were 140 killed, 271 wounded and 30 missing.[28][34]
  7. ↑ At that late date Dearborn was already unpopular in Federalist New England from his days serving under President Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of War, and under President James Madison as a General Commander in the War of 1812, a war that most Federalists bitterly opposed.[41]
  8. ↑ referred to as Primary sources by historians
  9. ↑ Wilkinson corroborates Dearborn's contention that had Putnam advanced with his force, the battle could have been won.

References

  1. ↑ Lanning, 2008, p.89
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 Ferling, 2015, pp. 127-129
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 Moran, 1985,
    Valley Compatriot Newsletter
  4. 1 2 Bobrick, 1997, p. 140
  5. 1 2 Smith, 1976, p.511
  6. ↑ Ferling, 2007, p. 36
  7. 1 2 3 Ferling, 2015, p. 127
  8. ↑ Commager, 1958, p.120
  9. 1 2 3 McCabe, 1871, p.249
  10. 1 2 3 Smith, 1976, p.512
  11. ↑ Frothingham, 1890, pp.2-3
  12. ↑ Lanning, 2008, p.85
  13. ↑ Axelrod, 2007, p. 130
  14. 1 2 Drake, 1875, p. 18
  15. 1 2 Middlekauff, 2005, p. 291
  16. 1 2 3 4 Coffin, 1831, p. 4
  17. 1 2 Middlekauff, 2005, p. 291
  18. ↑ Morris, 1902, p. 91
  19. ↑ Frothingham, 1890, p. 25
  20. ↑ Smith, 1976, p.527
  21. ↑ Peckham, 2009, p. 5
  22. ↑ Ferling, 2015, pp. 128-129
  23. ↑ Ferling, 2007, p. 57
  24. ↑ Dearborn, Putnam, 1818, pp.5-6
  25. ↑ Moran, 1985
  26. ↑ Ferling, 2015, p. 129
  27. ↑ Coffin, 1831, p. 7, 20, 21
  28. 1 2 Middlekauff, 2005, p.298
  29. ↑ Lanning, 2008, p. 87
  30. ↑ Child, 1819, p. 43
  31. ↑ Fellows, p. 116
  32. ↑ Frothingham, 1890, p. 63
  33. ↑ Dearborn, Putnam, 1818, pp. 6-7
  34. ↑ Peckham, 1974, p.4
  35. ↑ Ellis, 2007, p. 28
  36. ↑ Peckham, 2009, pp. 4-5
  37. ↑ Bell, 2015
  38. ↑ Fellows, 2009, pp. 113-114
  39. 1 2 3 Covart, 2013
  40. 1 2 3 4 Cray, 2001, p.23
  41. ↑ Taylor, 2010, pp. 180-182
  42. 1 2 Cray, 2001, p.25
  43. ↑ Willey, 1903, p. 161
  44. ↑ Peckham, 2009, p. 5
  45. ↑ Dearborn, Putnam, 1818, p.7
  46. 1 2 Kosiorek, 2006, p. 55
  47. ↑ Dearborn, Putnam, 1818, section 2, p.2
  48. ↑ Dearborn, Putnam, 1818, p.5
  49. 1 2 Kosiorek, 2006, p. 56
  50. ↑ Cray, 2001, p. 36
  51. 1 2 Dearborn, Putnam, 1818, p.9
  52. ↑ Commager, 1958, p.129
  53. ↑ Ward, 1952, p.228
  54. 1 2 2015, Boston 1775 News letter
  55. ↑ Cray, 2001, p.41
  56. ↑ Child, 1819, 56 pages
  57. ↑ Child, 1819, pp. 6-10
  58. ↑ Child, 1819, pp. 15-16
  59. ↑ Child, 1819, pp. 31-32
  60. ↑ Coffin, 1831, pp. 4, 5, 9, 19-45
  61. ↑ Fellows, 2009, 236 pages
  62. 1 2 Peckham, 2009, p. 6
  63. ↑ Fellows, 2009, p. 132
  64. ↑ Fellows, 1843, pp.132-134
  65. ↑ Fellows, 1843, p.135
  66. ↑ Cray, 2001, pp. 48-49

Bibliography

Further reading

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