Factors associated with being a victim of sexual violence

Sexual Violence and Victimization
Specific Offenses
Rape · Statutory Rape · Incest
Sexual Assault · Domestic violence
Sexual Abuse · Child sexual abuse
Sexual Harassment · Pimping
Attempted rape · Genital mutilation
Deviant sexual intercourse
Forms of Violence and Victimization
Types of rape · War rape · Sexual slavery
Spousal Rape · Prison rape
Date rape · Date rape drug
Human trafficking · Prostitution
Victimization of Children
Child pornography · Child trafficking
Prostitution of children
Commercial exploitation
Sociological Theories
Sociobiological theories of rape
Motivation for rape · Victim blaming
Misogyny · Misandry · Aggression
Pedophilia · Effects and aftermath
Rape Trauma Syndrome
Social and Cultural Aspects
Rape culture · History of rape
raptio · Comfort women ·
Policy
Laws about rape · Rape shield law
Laws regarding child sexual abuse
Rape crisis center · Honor killing
Anti-rape female condom · Rape statistics
Portals: Law · Criminal justice

One of the most common forms of sexual violence around the world is that which is perpetrated by an intimate partner, leading to the conclusion that one of the most important risk factors for people in terms of their vulnerability to sexual assault is being married or cohabiting with a partner. Other factors influencing the risk of sexual violence include:

Age

Young women are usually found to be more at risk of rape than older women.[1][2][3] According to data from justice systems and rape crisis centres in Chile, Malaysia, Mexico, Papua New Guinea, Peru and the United States, between one-third and two-thirds of all victims of sexual assault are aged 15 years or less.[3][4] Certain forms of sexual violence, for instance, are very closely associated with a young age, in particular violence taking place in schools and colleges, and trafficking in women for sexual exploitation.

Percentage of adolescents reporting forced sexual initiation, selected population-based surveys, 1993—1999
Country or area Study population Year Sample size[5] Sample age group (years) Percentage reporting first sexual intercourse as forced (%) female Percentage reporting first sexual intercourse as forced (%) male
Cameroon Bamenda 1995 646 12-25 37.3 29.9
Caribbean Nine countries[6] 1997–1998 15695 10-18 47.6[7] 31.9[7]
Ghana Three urban towns 1996 750 12-24 21.0 5.0
Mozambique Maputo 1999 1659 13-18 18.8 6.7
New Zealand Dunedin 1993–1994 935 Birth cohort[8] 7.0 0.2
Peru Lima 1995 611 16-17 40.0 11.0
South Africa Transkei 1994–1995 1975 15-18 28.4 6.4
United Republic of Tanzania Mwanza 1996 892 12-19 29.1 6.9
United States National 1995 2042 15-24 9.1

Alcohol and drug consumption

Increased vulnerability to sexual violence also stems from the use of alcohol and other drugs. Consuming alcohol or drugs makes it more difficult for people to protect themselves by interpreting and effectively acting on warning signs. Drinking alcohol may also place a person in settings where his or her chances of encountering a potential offender are greater.[9]

Having previously been raped or sexually abused

There is some evidence linking experiences of sexual abuse in childhood or adolescence with patterns of victimization during adulthood.[9][10][11][12] A national study of violence against women in the United States found that women who were raped before the age of 18 years were twice as likely to be raped as adults, compared with those who were not raped as children or adolescents (18.3% and 8.7%, respectively).[13]

The effects of early sexual abuse may also extend to other forms of victimization and problems in adulthood. For instance, a case control study in Australia on the long-term impact of abuse reported significant associations between child sexual abuse and experiencing rape, sexual and mental health problems, domestic violence and other problems in intimate relationships even after accounting for various family background characteristics.[12] Those who had experienced abuse involving intercourse had more negative outcomes than those suffering other types of coercion.

Having many sexual partners

Young women who have many sexual partners are at increased risk of sexual violence.[9][14][15] It is not clear, though, if having more sexual partners is a cause or consequence of abuse, including childhood sexual abuse. For example, findings from a representative sample of men and women in León, Nicaragua, found that women who had experienced attempted or completed rape during childhood or adolescence were more likely to have a higher number of sexual partners in adulthood, compared with non-abused or moderately abused women.[16] Similar findings have been reported in longitudinal studies of young women in New Zealand and Norway.[15][17]

It is also not clear whether women who have had many sexual partners are at increased risk of violence because of their own risk-taking, or because male rapists view them as immoral, and therefore legitimate targets for violence. Promiscuity in women is often misinterpreted as limitless consent because of its non-adherence to stereotypical gender roles.

Educational level

Women are at increased risk of sexual violence, as they are of physical violence by an intimate partner, when they become more educated and thus more empowered. Women with no education were found in a national survey in South Africa to be much less likely to experience sexual violence than those with higher levels of education.[18] In Zimbabwe, women who were working were much more likely to report forced sex by a spouse than those who were not.[19] The likely explanation is that greater empowerment brings with it more resistance from women to patriarchal norms,[20] so that men may resort to violence in an attempt to regain control. The relationship between empowerment and physical violence is an n-shape with greater empowerment conferring greater risk up to a certain level, beyond which it starts to become protective.[9][21] It is not known, though, whether this is also the case for sexual violence.

Poverty

Poor women and girls may be more at risk of rape in the course of their daily tasks than those who are better off, for example when they walk home on their own from work late at night, or work in the fields or collect firewood alone. Children of poor women may have less parental supervision when not in school, since their mothers may be at work and unable to afford child care. The children themselves may, in fact, be working and thus vulnerable to sexual exploitation. Poverty forces many women and girls into occupations that carry a relatively high risk of sexual violence,[22] particularly sex work.[23] It also creates enormous pressures for them to find or maintain jobs, to pursue trading activities and, if studying, to obtain good grades, all of which render them vulnerable to sexual coercion from those who can promise these things.[24] Poorer women are also more at risk of intimate partner violence, of which sexual violence is often a manifestation.[25][26]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Acierno R et al. Risk factors for rape, physical assault, and post-traumatic stress disorder in women: examination of differential multivariate relationships. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 1999, 13:541–563.
  2. ↑ Greenfeld LA. Sex offenses and offenders: an analysis of data on rape and sexual assault. Washington, DC, United States Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics (NCJ 163392).
  3. 1 2 Heise L, Pitanguy J, Germain A. Violence against women: the hidden health burden. Washington, DC, World Bank, 1994 (Discussion Paper No. 255).
  4. ↑ Greenfeld LA. Sex offenses and offenders: an analysis of data on rape and sexual assault . Washington, DC, United States Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics (NCJ 163392).
  5. ↑ Total number of adolescents in the study. Rates are based on those who have had sexual intercourse.
  6. ↑ Antigua, Bahamas, Barbados, British Virgin Islands, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica and Saint Lucia.
  7. 1 2 Percentage of adolescents responding that their first intercourse was forced or ‘‘somewhat’’ forced.
  8. ↑ Longitudinal study of a cohort born in 1972--1973. Subjects were questioned at 18 years of age and again at 21 years of age about their current and previous sexual behaviour.
  9. 1 2 3 4 Crowell NA, Burgess AW, eds. Understanding violence against women. Washington, DC, National Academy Press, 1996.
  10. ↑ Acierno R et al. Risk factors for rape, physical assault, and post-traumatic stress disorder in women: examination of differential multivariate relationships. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 1999, 13:541–563.
  11. ↑ Tjaden P, Thoennes N. Full report of the prevalence, incidence and consequences of violence against women: findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey. Washington, DC, National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, United States Department of Justice and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000 (NCJ 183781).
  12. 1 2 Fleming J et al. The long-term impact of childhood sexual abuse in Australian women. Child Abuse & Neglect, 1999, 23:145–159.
  13. ↑ Tjaden P, Thoennes N. Full report of the prevalence, incidence and consequences of violence against women: findings from the National Violence Against Women Survey. Washington, DC, National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, United States Department of Justice and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000 (NCJ 183781).
  14. ↑ Fergusson DM, Horwood LJ, Lynskey MT. Childhood sexual abuse, adolescent sexual behaviours and sexual revictimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 1997, 1:789–803.
  15. 1 2 Pederson W, Skrondal A. Alcohol and sexual victimization: a longitudinal study of Norwegian girls. Addiction, 1996, 91:565–581.
  16. ↑ Olsson A et al. Sexual abuse during childhood and adolescence among Nicaraguan men and women: a population-based survey. Child Abuse & Neglect,2000, 24:1579–1589.
  17. ↑ Fergusson DM, Horwood LJ, Lynskey MT. Childhood sexual abuse, adolescent sexual behaviours and sexual revictimization. Child Abuse & Neglect, 1997, 1:789–803.
  18. ↑ Jewkes R, Abrahams N. The epidemiology of rape and sexual coercion in South Africa: an overview. Social Science and Medicine (in press).
  19. ↑ Watts C et al. Withholding sex and forced sex: dimensions of violence against Zimbabwean women. Reproductive Health Matters, 1998, 6:57–65.
  20. ↑ Jewkes R, Penn-Kekana L, Levin J. Risk factors for domestic violence: findings from a South African cross-sectional study. Social Science and Medicine (in press).
  21. ↑ Jewkes R. Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention. Lancet, 2002, 359:1423–1429.
  22. ↑ Omorodion FI, Olusanya O. The social context of reported rape in Benin City, Nigeria. African Journal of Reproductive Health, 1998, 2:37–43.
  23. ↑ Faune MA. Centroamerica: los costos de la guerra y la paz. [Central America: the costs of war and of peace.] Perspectivas, 1997, 8:14–15.
  24. ↑ Omaar R, de Waal A. Crimes without punishment: sexual harassment and violence against female students in schools and universities in Africa. African Rights, July 1994 (Discussion Paper No. 4).
  25. ↑ Martin SL et al. Sexual behaviour and reproductive health outcomes: associations with wife abuse in India. Journal of the American Medical Association, 1999, 282:1967–1972.
  26. ↑ International Clinical Epidemiologists Network. Domestic violence in India: a summary report of a multi-site household survey. Washington, DC, International Center for Research on Women, 2000.

External links

This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the Wednesday, March 09, 2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.