Manuel Noriega

For the Mexican field hockey player, see Manuel Noriega (field hockey). For the Mexican actor, see Manuel Noriega Ruiz.
This name uses Spanish naming customs: the first or paternal family name is Noriega and the second or maternal family name is Moreno.
Manuel Noriega

Mugshot after surrender to US forces
Maximum Leader of National Liberation[1]
In office
December 15, 1983 – December 20, 1989
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Office abolished
Military Leader of Panama
In office
August 12, 1983 – December 20, 1989
President Ricardo de la Espriella
Jorge Illueca
Nicolás Ardito Barletta Vallarino
Eric Arturo Delvalle
Manuel Solís
Francisco Rodríguez
Preceded by Rubén Darío Paredes
Succeeded by Office abolished
Personal details
Born Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno
(1934-02-11) February 11, 1934
Panama City, Panamá
Republic of Panama
Spouse(s) Felicidad Sieiro de Noriega
Children 3
Alma mater Chorrillos Military School
School of the Americas
Military service
Allegiance Panama Panama
Service/branch Panamanian Defense Forces
Years of service 1967–1990
Rank General
Commands Panamanian Defense Forces
Battles/wars

Invasion of Panama

Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno[2] (Spanish pronunciation: [maˈnwel noˈɾjeɣa]; born February 11, 1934) is a former Panamanian politician and military officer. He was military dictator of Panama from 1983 to 1989, when he was removed from power by the United States during the invasion of Panama.[3]

From the 1950s until shortly before the U.S. invasion, Noriega worked closely with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Noriega was one of the CIA's most valued intelligence sources, as well as one of the primary conduits for illicit weapons, military equipment and cash destined for US-backed counterinsurgency forces throughout Central and South America. Noriega was also a major cocaine trafficker, something which his U.S. intelligence handlers were aware of for years, but allowed because of his usefulness for their covert military operations in Latin America.[4][5][6][7]

In 1988, Noriega was indicted by the United States on drug trafficking charges in Miami, Florida, and shortly thereafter, in the 1989 U.S. invasion of Panama he was removed from power, captured, detained as a prisoner of war, by the United States and flown to the United States. Noriega was tried on eight counts of drug trafficking, racketeering, and money laundering in April 1992. On September 16, 1992, he was sentenced to 40 years in prison (which was later reduced to 30 years).

Noriega's U.S. prison sentence ended in September 2007;[8] pending the outcome of extradition requests by both Panama and France, for convictions in absentia for murder in 1995 and money laundering in 1999. France was granted its extradition request in April 2010. He arrived in Paris on April 27, 2010,[9] and after a re-trial as a condition of the extradition, he was found guilty and sentenced to seven years in jail in July 2010.[10] A conditional release was granted on September 23, 2011, for Noriega to be extradited to serve 20 years in Panama. He returned to Panama on December 11, 2011.[11]

Career

Born in Panama City, Noriega was a career soldier who received much of his education at the Military School of Chorrillos in Lima, Peru. He also received intelligence and counterintelligence training at the School of the Americas at the U.S. Army's Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone in 1967, as well as a course in psychological operations (psyops) at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. He was commissioned in the Panama National Guard in 1967 and promoted to lieutenant in 1968. In a power struggle that followed, including a failed coup attempt in 1969, Noriega supported Omar Torrijos. He received a promotion to lieutenant colonel and was appointed chief of military intelligence by Torrijos. Noriega claims that, following Torrijos' instructions, he negotiated an amnesty for about 400 defeated guerrilla fighters, enabling them to return from exile in Honduras and Costa Rica.

Torrijos died in a plane accident on July 31, 1981. Colonel Roberto Díaz Herrera, a former associate of Noriega, claimed that the actual cause for the accident was a bomb and that Noriega was behind the incident.[12]

Omar Torrijos was succeeded as Commander of the Panamanian National Guard by Colonel Florencio Flores Aguilar. One year later, Flores was succeeded by Rubén Darío Paredes, and Noriega became chief of staff. The guard was renamed the Panamanian Defense Forces. Paredes resigned as commander to run for the presidency, ceding his post as commander of the forces to Noriega.

Involvement with CIA

Although the relationship did not become contractual until 1967, Noriega worked with the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) from the late 1950s until the 1980s.[13] In 1988 grand juries in Tampa and Miami indicted him on U.S. federal drug charges.[14][15]

The 1988 Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations concluded: "The saga of Panama's General Manuel Antonio Noriega represents one of the most serious foreign policy failures for the United States. Throughout the 1970s and the 1980s, Noriega was able to manipulate U.S. policy toward his country, while skillfully accumulating near-absolute power in Panama. It is clear that each U.S. government agency which had a relationship with Noriega turned a blind eye to his corruption and drug dealing, even as he was emerging as a key player on behalf of the Medellín Cartel (a member of which was notorious Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar)." Noriega was allowed to establish "the hemisphere's first 'narcokleptocracy'".[16] One of the large financial institutions that he was able to use to launder money was the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), which was shut down at the end of the Cold War by the FBI. Noriega shared his cell with ex-BCCI executives in the facility known as "Club Fed".

In the 1988 U.S. presidential election, Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis highlighted this history in a campaign commercial attacking his opponent, Vice President (and former CIA Director) George H. W. Bush, for his close relationship with "Panamanian drug lord Noriega."[17]

De facto rule of Panama

Noriega strengthened his position as de facto ruler in August 1983 by promoting himself to full general. Noriega, being paid by the CIA, extended new rights to the United States, and, despite the canal treaties, allowed the U.S. to set up listening posts in Panama. He aided the American-backed guerrillas in Nicaragua by acting as a conduit for U.S. money and, according to some accounts, weapons. However, Noriega insists that his policy during this period was essentially neutral, allowing partisans on both sides of the various conflicts free movement in Panama, as long as they did not attempt to use Panama as a base of military operations. He rebuffed requests by Salvadoran rightist Roberto D'Aubuisson to restrict the movements of leaders of the leftist Salvadoran insurgent Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front in Panama, and likewise rebuffed demands by Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North of the United States Marine Corps that he provide military assistance to the Nicaraguan Contras. Noriega insists that his refusal to meet North's demands was the actual basis for the U.S. campaign to oust him.

In May 1984, Noriega allowed the first presidential elections in 16 years. When the initial results showed former president Arnulfo Arias on his way to a landslide victory, Noriega halted the count. After brazenly manipulating the results, the government announced that the PRD's candidate, Nicolás Ardito Barletta Vallarino, had won by a slim margin of 1,713 votes. Independent estimates suggested that Arias would have won by as many as 50,000 votes had the election been conducted fairly.[12]

About this time, Hugo Spadafora, a vocal critic of Noriega who had been living abroad, accused Noriega of having connections to drug trafficking and announced his intent to return to Panama to oppose him. He was seized from a bus by a death squad at the Costa Rican border. Later, his decapitated body was found, showing signs of extreme torture, wrapped in a United States Postal Service mailing bag.[18] His family and other groups called for an investigation into his murder, but Noriega stonewalled any attempts at an investigation. Noriega was in Paris at the time of the murder, which was alleged by some to have been at the direction of his Chiriquí Province commander, Luis Córdoba.[12] A conversation captured on wiretap between Noriega (in Paris) and Córdoba included the exchange:

President Barletta was visiting New York City at the time. A reporter asked him about the Spadafora matter, and he promised an investigation. Upon his return to Panama, he was summoned to FDP headquarters and told to resign. He was replaced by First Vice President Eric Arturo Delvalle. As a friend and former student of George Shultz, Barletta had been considered "sacrosanct" by the United States, and his dismissal signaled a marked downturn in the relations between the U.S. and Noriega.[12] Herrera, a former member of Noriega's inner circle, told Panama's main opposition newspaper, La Prensa, that Noriega was behind Spadafora's murder, and many other killings and disappearances as well. This resulted in an immediate outcry from the public.

The Civic Crusade, which opposed Noriega, was formed in 1981. Supporters of Noriega referred to the Civic Crusade as a creature of the rabiblancos or "white-tails", the wealthy elite of European descent that dominated Panamanian commerce and had dominated Panamanian politics before the advent of Torrijos. Noriega, like Torrijos, was dark-skinned and claimed to represent the majority population, who were poor and of Zambo heritage (mixed African and Amerindian ancestry). Noriega supporters mocked the demonstrations of the Civic Crusade as "the protest of the Mercedes-Benz", deriding the wealthy ladies for banging on Teflon-coated pots and pans rather than the cruder and louder pots and pans traditionally banged by the poor in South American protests, or for sending their maids to protest for them. Many rallies were held, with white cloths used as the symbol of the opposition. Noriega was always one step ahead of them, however, having informants within their groups notify his police in advance and routinely rounding up leaders and organizers the night before rallies. All of the peaceful rallies were brutally dispersed by Noriega's army and paramilitary forces, known as the Dignity Battalions. Many people were beaten severely, incarcerated, and killed during the protests. Meanwhile, he arranged rallies of his own, often under threat (for example, taxi drivers were told they had to attend a rally in support of Noriega or lose their licenses). Noriega claims that the Civic Crusade was the handiwork of U.S. Embassy chargé d'affaires John Maisto, who had arranged for Civic Crusade leaders to travel to the Philippines to learn the tactics of the U.S.-supported movement to overthrow Ferdinand Marcos.

1989 election

The elections of May 1989 were surrounded by controversy. A PRD-led coalition nominated Carlos Duque, publisher of the country's oldest newspaper, La Estrella de Panamá. Most of the other political parties banded behind a unified ticket of Guillermo Endara, a member of Arias' Authentic Panameñista Party, along with vice-presidential candidates Ricardo Arias Calderón (no relation to Arnulfo Arias) and Guillermo Ford.[12]

According to Guillermo Sanchez, the opposition alliance knew that Noriega planned to rig the count, but had no way of proving it.[12] They found a way through a loophole in Panamanian election law. The alliance, with the support of the Roman Catholic Church, set up a count based directly on results at the country's 4,000 election precincts before the results were sent to district centers. Noriega's lackeys swapped fake tally sheets for the real ones and took those to the district centers, but by this time the opposition's more accurate count was already out. It showed Endara winning in a landslide even more massive than in 1984, beating Duque by a 3-to-1 margin. Noriega had every intention of declaring Duque the winner regardless of the actual results. However, Duque knew he had been badly defeated and refused to go along.[12]

Rather than publish the results, Noriega voided the election, claiming "foreign (i.e., American) interference" had tainted the results. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, there as an observer, denounced Noriega, saying the election had been "stolen", as did Bishop Marcos G. McGrath.[12]

The next day, Endara, Arias Calderón, and Ford rolled through the old part of the capital in a triumphant motorcade, only to be intercepted by a detachment of Noriega's paramilitary Dignity Battalions. Arias Calderón was protected by a couple of troops, but Endara and Ford were badly beaten. Images of Ford running to safety with his guayabera shirt covered in blood were broadcast around the world. When the 1984–89 presidential term expired, Noriega named a longtime associate, Francisco Rodríguez, as acting president. The United States, however, recognized Endara as the new president.[12]

United States invasion of Panama

The U.S. imposed economic sanctions and, in the months that followed, a tense standoff occurred between the U.S. military forces (stationed in the canal area) and Noriega's troops. On December 15, 1989, the PRD-dominated legislature spoke of "a state of war" between the United States and Panama. It also declared Noriega "chief executive officer" of the government, formalizing a state of affairs that had existed for six years.[12] Noriega subsequently claimed[19] that this statement referred to U.S. actions against Panama, and did not represent a declaration of hostilities by Panama. The U.S. forces conducted regular "freedom of movement" maneuvers and operations, such as Operation Sand Flea and Operation Purple Storm. Serving in part as military drills, but also as psychological warfare designed to harass the future enemy, the U.S. military contended that the exercises were justified by the Panama Canal Treaty of 1977 (the Torrijos-Carter Treaties), which guaranteed U.S. forces freedom of movement in the country in defense of the canal. Panama considered the exercises a violation of the treaties, and Noriega called them acts of war.

On the other hand, Noriega's forces are said to have engaged in routine harassment of U.S. troops and civilians. Three incidents in particular occurred very near the time of the invasion, and were mentioned by U.S. President George H. W. Bush as a reason for invasion.[20] In a December 16 incident, four U.S. personnel were stopped at a roadblock outside PDF headquarters in the El Chorrillo neighborhood of Panama City. The United States Department of Defense said that the servicemen were unarmed and in a private vehicle and that they attempted to flee the scene only after their vehicle was surrounded by a crowd of civilians and PDF troops. Second Lieutenant Robert Paz of the United States Marine Corps was shot and killed in the incident.[21] The Los Angeles Times claimed that sources stated Paz was a member of the Hard Chargers, a group not sanctioned by the military whose goal was to agitate members of the PDF.[22] The PDF claimed that the Americans were armed and on a reconnaissance mission.[23] Major General Marc A. Cisneros, deputy commander of the Southern Command at the time of the invasion, said in a recent interview, "The story you've got from somebody that these guys were a vigilante group trying to provoke an incident—that is absolutely false".[22] According to an official U.S. military report, a U.S. naval officer and his wife who were witnesses to the incident were assaulted by Panamanian Defense Force soldiers while in police custody.[24] A week before the U.S. invasion, a cable from an American diplomat to Washington described Noriega as a "master of survival" and, according to The New York Times, the diplomat did not have an inkling of the coming invasion one week later.[25]

The U.S. invasion of Panama was launched on December 20, 1989. Losses on the U.S. side were 23 troops and 3 civilian casualties, while Panamanian losses were 150 troops and 500 civilian casualties.[26] On December 29, the General Assembly of the United Nations voted 75–20 with 40 abstentions to condemn the invasion as a flagrant violation of international law.[27][28] According to a CBS poll, 92% of Panamanian adults supported the U.S. incursion, and 76% wished that U.S. forces had invaded in October during the coup.[29] However, activist Barbara Trent disputed this finding, claiming in a 1992 Academy Award winning documentary The Panama Deception that the Panamanian surveys were completed in wealthy, English-speaking neighborhoods in Panama City, among Panamanians most likely to support U.S. actions.[30]

Capture

January 3, 1990, Gen. Manuel Noriega is escorted onto a U.S. Air Force aircraft by agents from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

On the fifth day of the invasion, Noriega and four others took sanctuary in the Apostolic Nunciature, the Holy See's embassy in Panama.[31][32][33] Having threatened to flee to the countryside and lead guerrilla warfare if not given refuge, he instead turned over the majority of his weapons, and requested sanctuary from Monsignor Laboa.[31] He spent his time in a "stark" room with no air conditioning or television, reading the Bible for the duration of his stay.[31]

Prevented by treaty from invading the embassy of the Holy See, U.S. soldiers erected a perimeter around the Nunciature. Psychological warfare was used in an attempt to dislodge him, including blaring rock music, and turning a nearby field into a helicopter landing zone. After ten days of Operation Nifty Package, Noriega surrendered on January 3, 1990.[34] He was detained as a prisoner of war, and later taken to the United States.

Criminal prosecution in the United States

Trial

In April 1992 a trial was held in Miami, Florida, at the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida in which Noriega was tried and convicted on eight counts of drug trafficking, racketeering, and money laundering.

At his trial, Noriega intended to defend himself by presenting his alleged crimes within the framework of his work for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. The government objected to any disclosure of the purposes for which the United States had paid Noriega because this information was classified and its disclosure went against the interests of the United States. In pre-trial proceedings, the government offered to stipulate that Noriega had received approximately $220,000 from the United States Army and the Central Intelligence Agency. Noriega insisted that "the actual figure approached $10,000,000, and that he should be allowed to disclose the tasks he had performed for the United States". The district court held that the "information about the content of the discrete operations in which Noriega had engaged in exchange for the alleged payments was irrelevant to his defense". It ruled that the introduction of evidence about Noriega's role in the CIA would "confuse the jury".[35]

After the trial, Noriega appealed this exclusionary ruling by the judge to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. The Court of Appeals ruled in favor of the government, despite disagreeing with the lower court. It said: "Our review leads us to conclude that information regarding the purposes for which the United States previously paid Noriega potentially had some probative value … Thus, the district court may have overstated the case when it declared evidence of the purposes for which the United States allegedly paid Noriega wholly irrelevant to his defense". However, the Court of Appeals refused to set aside the verdict because it felt that "the potential probative value of this material, however, was relatively marginal".[35]

On September 16, 1992, Noriega was sentenced to 40 years in prison, later reduced to 30 years.[36]

Incarceration

Noriega was incarcerated in the Federal Correctional Institution, Miami, in Dade County, Florida

Before receiving his permanent prison assignment, Noriega was placed in the Federal Detention Center, Miami, facility.[37] Noriega resided in the Federal Correctional Institution, Miami, in an unincorporated area of Miami-Dade County, Florida, and had the Federal Bureau of Prisons ID number 38699-079.[38]

Under Article 85 of the Third Geneva Convention,[39] Noriega was considered a prisoner of war, despite his conviction for acts committed prior to his capture by the "detaining power" (the United States). This status meant that in Florida he had his own prison cell, furnished with electronics and exercise equipment.[40] His cell had been nicknamed "the presidential suite".[41][42]

It was reported that Noriega had been visited by evangelical Christians, who claimed that he had become a born-again Christian.[43] On May 15 and 16, 1990, while Noriega still awaited trial, Clift Brannon, a former attorney turned preacher, and a Spanish interpreter, Rudy Hernandez, were allowed to visit Noriega for a total of six hours at the Metropolitan Correctional Center of Dade County, Florida. Following the visit, Noriega wrote Brannon a letter stating:

On completing the spiritual sessions that you as a messenger of the Word of God brought to my heart, even to my area of confinement as Prisoner of War of the United States, I feel the necessity of adding something more to what I was able to say to you as we parted. The evening sessions of May 15 and 16 with you and Rudy Hernandez along with the Christian explanation and guidance were for me the first day of a dream, a revelation. I can tell you with great strength and inspiration that receiving our Lord Jesus Christ as Savior guided by you, was an emotional event. The hours flew by without my being aware. I could have desired that they continue forever, but there was no time nor space. Thank you for your time. Thank you for your human warmth, for your constant and permanent spiritual strength brought to bear on my mind and soul. – With great affection, Manuel A. Noriega[44]

Noriega's prison sentence was reduced from 30 years to 17 years for good behavior. After serving 17 years in detention and imprisonment, his sentence ended on September 9, 2007.[8]

Criminal prosecution in France

Extradition

Until 2011, Noriega was housed in La Santé Prison (center) in Paris

The French government requested Noriega's extradition after he was convicted of money laundering in 1999. The French claimed that Noriega had laundered $3 million in drug proceeds by purchasing luxury apartments in Paris. Noriega was convicted in absentia, but France agreed to give him a new trial if he were extradited. He faced up to 10 years in French prison if convicted.[40][45]

In August 2007, a U.S. federal judge approved a request from the French government to extradite Noriega from the United States to France after his release. Noriega has also received a long jail term in absentia in Panama for murder and human rights abuses. Noriega appealed his extradition to France because he claimed that country would not honor his legal status as a prisoner of war.[46] In 1999, the Panamanian government sought the extradition of Noriega to face murder charges in Panama because he had been found guilty in absentia in 1995 and sentenced to 20 years in prison.

On February 20, 2010, Noriega's lawyers filed a petition with the Supreme Court of the United States to block his extradition to France, after the court refused to hear his appeal the previous month.[47] Noriega's attorneys had hoped the dissenting opinion in that ruling, written by Justices Clarence Thomas and Antonin Scalia, would convince the full court to take up his case, but on March 22, 2010, the Supreme Court refused to hear the petition.[48] Two days after the refusal, the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida in Miami lifted the stay that was blocking Noriega's extradition. Later that month, after Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton signed the surrender warrant,[49] Noriega's attorney stated that he would travel to France and try to arrange a deal with the French government.[50]

On April 26, 2010, Noriega was extradited to France.[45] Noriega's lawyers claimed the La Santé Prison, at which he was held, was unfit for a man of his age and rank; the French government refused to grant him prisoner of war status, as he had in the United States.[10]

Conviction

On July 7, 2010, Noriega was convicted by the 11th chamber of the Tribunal Correctionnel de Paris and sentenced to seven years in jail.[10][51] The prosecutor in the case had sought a ten-year prison term.[51] In addition, €2.3 million (approximately US$3.6 million) that had long been frozen in Noriega's French bank accounts was ordered to be seized.[10]

Return to Panama

Panama asked France to extradite Noriega so he could face trial for human rights violations there. The French government had previously stated that extradition would not happen before the case in France had run its course.[52] However, on September 23, 2011 a French court ordered a conditional release for Noriega to be extradited to Panama on October 1, 2011.[53] He was extradited on December 11 and incarcerated at El Renacer prison to serve time for crimes committed during his rule. On February 5, 2012, Noriega was moved from the El Renacer prison to the Hospital Santo Tomas because of high blood pressure and a brain hemorrhage. He remained in the hospital for four days before being returned to prison.[54]

In popular culture

Film

British actor Bob Hoskins portrayed Manuel Noriega in the 2000 TV movie Noriega: God's Favourite.[55] Hoskins was nominated for a Satellite Award for his role in the film.

Video games

Noriega was depicted in Call of Duty: Black Ops II.[56] In July 2014, he filed a lawsuit against Activision for depicting him and using his name without his permission. Noriega, who filed the suit while in prison for murder, claims he is portrayed as “a kidnapper, murderer and enemy of the state”.[57] In gameplay Noriega's character is referred to as "Old Pineapple Face", by fictional character Frank Woods. The name "Old Pineapple Face" was an actual nickname for Noriega used by Panamanians.[58] On October 28, 2014, the case against Activision was thrown out of court.[59]

Awards

References

  1. ↑ Eytan Gilboa, "The Panama Invasion Revisited: Lessons for the Use of Force in the Post Cold War Era". Political Science Quarterly, (v110 n4), p. 539. Retrieved on July 1, 2011.
  2. ↑ Boyd Marciacq, Carmen. "Noriega: el dictador." El Siglo. Retrieved on January 8, 2010. Archived July 2, 2015, at the Wayback Machine.
  3. ↑ Serrill, Michael S. (January 24, 2001). "Panama Noriega's Money Machine". Time.
  4. ↑ Ghosh, Bobby. "Who's Who on the CIA Payroll". TIME. the most infamous CIA asset of them all was the former dictator of Panama ... He had agency connections going back to the 1950s, but the relationship solidified in the 1970s, when he was on the payroll. Upon taking power, he allowed the U.S. to set up listening posts in Panama and is believed to have served as a conduit for U.S. funds to Nicaraguan contra rebels fighting the leftist Sandinista government. The U.S. looked the other way as Noriega established what would be described as a "narco-kleptocracy," but the relationship eventually soured and the U.S. invasion of 1989 ended his rule.
  5. ↑ Tisdall, Simon (28 April 2010). "Why Manuel Noriega became America's most wanted". Guardian.
  6. ↑ Tran, Mark (27 April 2010). "Manuel Noriega - from US friend to foe". Guardian. Noriega was recruited as a CIA informant while studying at a military academy in Peru. He received intelligence and counterintelligence training at the School of the Americas at Fort Gulick, Panama, in 1967, as well as a course in psychological operations at Fort Bragg, North Carolina. He was to remain on the CIA payroll until February 1988 ... Noriega made himself valuable to the US during the Contra wars when he allowed the US to set up listening posts in Panama and by helping the US campaign against the leftist Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Noriega allowed Panama to be used as a conduit for US money and weapons for the Contras as then US president Ronald Reagan sought to undermine the Sandinistas. But Noriega's increasing brutality turned him into a liability, especially after the assassination of Hugo Spadafora, a political opponent who was found beheaded in 1985.
  7. ↑ Cockburn, Alexander; St-Clair, Jeffrey (1998). Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs, and the Press. Verso Books. pp. 289–290. ISBN 1-85984-258-5. "Actually the US had known about Noriega's drug trafficking since at least the late 1960s, and there was a history across nearly three decades of US military and intelligence agencies shielding Noriega from criminal investigation. He had been recruited by the Defense Intelligence Agency in 1959 and began working for the CIA in 1967.
  8. 1 2 "Extradition fight halts former Panamanian leader Manuel Noriega's release from US prison". International Herald Tribune. Associated Press. September 9, 2007.
  9. ↑ Zamorano, Juan (April 27, 2010). "Noriega extradition to France angers abuse victims". The Associated Press via Boston.com. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  10. 1 2 3 4 "French court hands Noriega 7-year prison term". Associated Press. July 7, 2010.
  11. ↑ Serrill, Michael S. (December 11, 2011). "Manuel Noriega extraditado a Panamá desde Francia". Impre.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Koster, R.M.; Guillermo Sánchez (1990). In the Time of the Tyrants: Panama, 1968–1990. New York City: Norton. ISBN 0-393-02696-5.
  13. ↑ Tran, Mark (April 27, 2010). "Manuel Noriega from US friend to foe". The Guardian. Retrieved Aug 8, 2014.
  14. ↑ "1985–1990". DEA History Book. Drug Enforcement Administration. Archived from the original on July 16, 2010. Retrieved December 23, 2008.
  15. ↑ Shenon, Philip (February 6, 1988). "Noriega Indicted By U.S. For Links To Illegal Drugs". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 16, 2010. Retrieved July 16, 2010.
  16. ↑ "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy" (PDF). United States Government Printing Office. December 1988: 3.
  17. ↑ "1982 Noriega", Dukakis campaign ad
  18. ↑ Webb, Gary (1999). Dark Alliance. Seven Stories Press. p. 227. ISBN 978-1-888363-93-7.
  19. ↑ Noriega, Manuel and Eisner, Peter. America's Prisoner—The Memoirs of Manuel Noriega. Random House, 1997.
  20. ↑ Federal News Service (December 21, 1989). "Fighting in Panama: The President; A Transcript of Bush's Address on the Decision to Use Force in Panama". New York Times.
  21. ↑ Huelfer, Evan A. (January–April 2000). "The Battle for Coco Solo Panama, 1989". Infantry Magazine.
  22. 1 2 Kenneth Freed (December 22, 1990). "Some Blame Rogue Band of Marines for Picking Fight, Spurring Panama Invasion". Los Angeles Times.
  23. ↑ "U.S. Forces Invade Panama, Seize Wide Control; Noriega Eludes Capture". Facts On File World News Digest. FACTS.com. December 22, 1989. Archived from the original on 2008-08-08.
  24. ↑ Globalsecurity.org, Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Operation Just Cause, p. 2. Retrieved on February 10, 2007
  25. ↑ Scott Shane and Andrew W. Lehren (November 28, 2010). "Leaked Cables Offer Raw Look at U.S. Diplomacy". The New York Times. Retrieved December 26, 2010. In 1989, an American diplomat in Panama City mulled over the options open to Gen. Manuel Noriega, ... The cable called General Noriega “a master of survival”; its author appeared to have no inkling that one week later, the United States would invade Panama ...
  26. ↑ "The U.S. invades Panama". History.com. December 20, 2010. Archived from the original on March 7, 2010.
  27. ↑ International Development Research Centre, "The Responsibility to Protect", December 2001,
  28. ↑ "After Noriega: United Nations; Deal Is Reached at U.N. on Panama Seat as Invasion Is Condemned". New York Times. December 1989.
  29. ↑ Pastor, Robert A (2001). Exiting the Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean. Westview Press. p. 96. ISBN 978-0-8133-3811-8.
  30. ↑ Trent, Barbara (Director) (July 31, 1992). The Panama Deception (Documentary film). Empowerment Project.
  31. 1 2 3 TIME, "A Guest Who Wore Out His Welcome", Jan. 15, 1990
  32. ↑ Lonely Planet, Panama, 2007. p. 32
  33. ↑ "Supreme Court won't halt Noriega's extradition to France". CSMonitor.com. January 25, 2010. Retrieved 2012-02-05.
  34. ↑ Operation Just Cause: Panama Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Archived December 11, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
  35. 1 2 "United States Court of Appeals, Eleventh Circuit. Nos. 92–4687, 96–4471. UNITED STATES of America, Plaintiff-Appellee, v. Manuel Antonio NORIEGA, Defendant-Appellant.". July 7, 1997. Archived from the original on July 16, 2010. Retrieved July 16, 2010.
  36. ↑ "BOP: FCI Miami". Archived from the original on July 16, 2010. Retrieved July 16, 2010.
  37. ↑ McMahon, Paula and Tonya Alanez. "Rothstein's dive from Bahia Drive: Miami detention center humbles lifestyle of disgraced attorney." The Palm Beach Post. Tuesday December 8, 2009. Retrieved on July 16, 2010.
  38. ↑ "Inmate Search: Manuel Noriega." Federal Bureau of Prisons. Retrieved on December 30, 2009.
  39. ↑ Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights Archived June 29, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
  40. 1 2 States line up to jail Noriega Philip Jacobson, firstpost.co.uk, '70-year-old', February 15, 2006
  41. ↑ Goddard, Jacqui (July 20, 2007). "Legal fight looms over Noriega as dictator prepares to leave prison". The Times (London). Retrieved January 25, 2010.
  42. ↑ Moreno, Elida; Loney (January 24, 2007). "Panama to jail ex-leader Noriega if he returns home". Reuters. Retrieved January 25, 2010.
  43. ↑ Peter Steinfels (March 21, 1991). "Awaiting Trial on Drug Charges, Noriega Says He Has Found Jesus". NEW YORK TIMES. New York Times: "General Noriega's lawyer confirmed that the general, who is being held at a Federal prison outside Miami, had been regularly visited there by the two Texas evangelists who brought about his conversion and was receiving weekly religious instruction from a Baptist layman."
  44. ↑ The Conversion of Manuel Noriega Joe R. Garman, Founder and President of A.R.M. Prison Outreach International
  45. 1 2 "Ex-Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega extradited to France". CNN.com. April 27, 2010. Retrieved January 29, 2016.
  46. ↑ Manuel Noriega in Legal Limbo – Grant Him House Arrest Aviva Elzufon, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, June 5, 2008
  47. ↑ Noriega v. Pastrana, 559 U.S. ____ (2010), No. 09–35 (decided January 25, 2010) – dissenting opinion by Justice Thomas joined by Justice Scalia
  48. ↑ Anderson, Curt (March 22, 2010). "Supreme Court Refuses Noriega's Rehearing Request". NY Times. Archived from the original on March 22, 2010. Retrieved March 25, 2010.
  49. ↑ Lee, Mathew. "Clinton signs off on Noriega extradition – Yahoo! News". news.yahoo.com. Archived from the original on November 3, 2012. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  50. ↑ Associate Press (March 24, 2010). "Judge Lifts Stay Blocking Noriega's Extradition". NY Times. Archived from the original on March 24, 2010. Retrieved March 25, 2010.
  51. 1 2 Jolly, David (July 7, 2010). "Noriega Sentenced to 7 Years in Prison in France". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 16, 2010.
  52. ↑ "French court orders more jail time for Noriega". AFP. July 7, 2010.
  53. ↑ "French court clears Panama's Noriega for extradition". Reuters. September 23, 2011. Retrieved October 6, 2011.
  54. ↑ "Noriega leaves hospital in Panama, returns to jail". Feb 9, 2012. Archived from the original on February 20, 2015.
  55. ↑ "Review: ‘Noriega: God’s Favorite – ‘Noriega’ Captured’". March 12, 2000. Retrieved December 21, 2015.
  56. ↑ This Former Dictator Is Suing the Call of Duty Makers
  57. ↑ Gibbons-Neff, Thomas (July 16, 2014). "Former dictator Manuel Noriega suing ‘Call of Duty’ makers". Retrieved 18 July 2014.
  58. ↑ "Former Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega sues over depiction in 'Call of Duty' game". July 17, 2014. Retrieved 26 July 2014.
  59. ↑ Gershman, Jacob. "Judge Throws Out Manuel Noriega’s ‘Call of Duty’ Lawsuit Against Activision".
  60. ↑ "Quand Noriega était décoré de la Légion d'honneur" [When Noriega was awarded the Legion of Honour] (in French). August 29, 2007. Archived from the original on July 8, 2010. Retrieved July 8, 2010.

Further reading

External links

Military offices
Preceded by
Rubén Darío Paredes		 Military leader of Panama
1983–1989 		Succeeded by
Guillermo Endara (as President of Panama)


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