Natives on Private Estates Ordinance 1928

Natives on Private Estates Ordinance, 1928 was a colonial ordinance passed by the Legislative council of the Nyasaland protectorate, now Malawi, (a body mainly of senior colonial officials, with a minority of nominated members representing European residents) to regulate the conditions under which African tenants who farmed land on estates owned by European settlers within that protectorate. The legislation corrected some of the worst abuses of the system of thangata, under which tenants were required to work in lieu of paying rent. However, it failed in its intention of encouraging these tenants to increase production on the undeveloped land in those estates because of the world-wide economic downturn in the Great Depression of the 1930s. Tensions between estate owners and tenants continued in the 1940s and early 1950s over evictions and the tenants’ desire to market their produce freely. The legislation was modified in 1952 to meet some of these problems, but only the colonial government's purchase of estate lands to resettle former tenants after 1952 and final abolition of thangata by the Africans on Private Estates Ordinance, 1962, passed shortly before independence, created an African peasantry with free access to farming land.

Tenants on private estates

In the three decades after 1860, southern Malawi was transformed by a combination of warfare and raiding for slaves and ivory from a region where farming supported a reasonable population to one where the lack of security led to the widespread abandonment of agriculture land. Local chiefs attempted to gain protection from European settlers by granting them the right to cultivate land which, although fertile, was insecure and therefore vacant. Once the British Central Africa Protectorate had been proclaimed in 1891, these settlers gained legal ownership of this land from the protectorate administration. Although many of the grants contained “non-disturbance” clauses allowing resident Africans to continue to cultivate their existing fields rent-free, most owners claimed the right to demand labour in exchange for allowing them farm part of their land. The Nyasaland settlers adopted the term “thangata” for this from the Chewa language, where it meant freely-given help with agricultural work, but its colonial meaning was performing labour in lieu of rent.[1]

In the early years of the Nyasaland protectorate, the estates needed workers to establish plantations. Many estates were established in areas where few Africans lived because of insecurity and, when the owners introduced labour rents, some of those who did moved to rent-free land that their community retained. New workers, often migrants escaping harsh conditions in Mozambique, were encouraged to move onto estates and grow their own crops, but were required to pay rent and Hut tax, at first usually satisfied by two months’ labour a year. These migrants did not belong to any local community, so had no claim to farm communal land. Before 1905, relatively little estate land was planted as the owners searched for economically viable crops. However, cotton was grown commercially from 1905. This needs much labour during its 5 or 6 month growing season for successful results. Between 1910 and 1925, tobacco was also grown in plantations and like cotton, it required a great deal of labour. On several estates, labour tenants’ obligations were now extended, sometimes to a total of four to six months of thangata for rent and Hut tax, leaving tenants with little time to grow food. A number of abuses grew up, including under-recording days worked, not making cash payments if tenants performed more than the required thangata and requiring 30 days work (five weeks of six days) for each month of thangata obligation. The wives of absent migrant workers, widows and single women were also forced to do thangata work, in breach of custom.[2] In 1903, the Nyasaland High Court declared the original inhabitants of estates granted subject to “non-disturbance” clauses were exempt from thangata and had security of tenure. Legislation regulating some aspects of thangata was enacted in 1908, but not implemented. The harshness of thangata was one reasons for the 1915 uprising led by John Chilembwe. Following this revolt, a new attempt to abolish thangata in favour if cash rent was made, but it failed because of the opposition of the estate owners.[3]

Of the estate crops grown by direct labour, coffee had failed by 1905, cotton by 1918, and tobacco by 1925: only tea continued as a profitable estate crop. Most tobacco was now grown by smallholders on Crown land. As the demand for estate labour declined in the 1920s, the owners had insufficient work for their tenants to meet their thangata obligations and claimed that they had become rent-free squatters who should be evicted if they refused to grow economic crops.[4] Larger estates were saved from collapse by replacing direct labour with the scheme of tenants growing cotton and tobacco and selling these to the planters at low prices. This system was formalised in legislation, the 1928 Natives on Private Estates Ordinance, which modified thangata by allowing rents to be paid in cash, by a fixed quantity of acceptable crops or by direct labour. The estates now acted largely as brokers for their tenants’ produce, although the name thangata was now also applied to rent in kind. The older form of labour thangata persisted where owners wished to grow crops through direct labour.[5][6] It was estimated that about 9% of Malawi’s Africans lived on estates in 1911. In 1945, it was about 10%, or 173,000 residents in 49,000 families. By 1962, this had been reduced to 9,000 families [7]

The legislation

Following the First World War, a Land Commission was set up in 1920 to determine how much of the land in Nyasaland should be made available for future European settlement and what existing rights of estate tenants should be preserved and what new ones given. The Commission recommended that all permanent rent-free tenancies under non-disturbance clauses should end, but that tenants-at-will should be given some security of tenure. Apart from the elderly or widows, all should pay rents in cash, in kind or by providing labour. The owners should also have the right to evict surplus tenants to stop their estates becoming overcrowded.[8] The Colonial Office opposed abolishing rights under non-disturbance clauses without a long fixed tenancies, and a five-year term was agreed. By the time legislation was prepared in 1928, there was little demand for more plantations, as the existing estates were ending direct production in favour of marketing tenants’ produce. The legislation enacted in 1928 therefore emphasised that rents could be satisfied by delivering a fixed quantity of acceptable crops to the owner as well as by direct labour or in cash. It met some of the estate owners’ demands but also gave some protection to tenants from the worst excesses of thangata.[9]

The full title of the legislation was “An Ordinance to Regulate the Position of Natives residing on Private Estates, (No 14 of 1928)” and it was normally called the Natives on Private Estates Ordinance, 1928. The Ordinance created a class of registered “Resident Natives”, who had entered into tenancy agreements: only these and their families had the right to live on the private estate of their tenancy for the term of their lease. Male children of residents lost the right to live on estates at 16 years old, and owners could refuse to allow the husband of a resident’s daughter to settle. Every registered tenant, except the elderly or widows, had to pay a rent which could be satisfied in cash, by labour or by giving produce to the owner. From 1928, District Rent Boards fixed maximum cash rents: most chose a rate of £1 for an 8 acre tenant’s plot although some estates charged less. The Boards also designated acceptable crops (mainly tobacco or cotton, sometimes maize) and fixed the amounts equivalent to rents. The required value of crops was between 30 and 50 shillings instead of £1 cash, particularly penalising maize to discourage tenants from this option.[10][11] A Land Commission of 1903 reported that normal annual rent and Hut tax burden of tenants was six shillings, and from 1911 there was the option of providing fixed amounts of tobacco or cotton. However, estate owners expected that there tenants would work for at least two months rather than pay rent in cash or kind. As the demand for labour increased, owners refused to accept cash so the rent of six shillings, which remained virtually unchanged for other two decades before 1928, was purely nominal. By 1928, the value of the several months’ labour actually provided was roughly £1.[12] The owners of estates over 10,000 acres would be allowed to expel up to 10% of their tenants in 1933 (and every five years thereafter) without showing any cause: those expelled were to be re-settled on Crown Lands. There was provision for future compulsory purchase of up to 10% of estates over 10,000 acres as a last resort, if no Crown Lands were available.[13]

The effects of the legislation

The Natives on Private Estates Ordinance was intended to encourage African tenants to increase production on the vast amounts of undeveloped estate land within Nyasaland. It failed because, in the world-wide economic depression of the early 1930s, estate owners could not buy all the crops offered in lieu of rent or employ much labour. It did not provide a permanent solution to the land question, as it did not deal with the problem of estate land that was under-utilised but not freely available to African farmers nor with the owners' ability to evict tenants. The first evictions allowed under the Ordinance were due in 1933, but no large-scale evictions took place then. There were few evictions in 1938 either, because District Commissioners refused to enforce them when no re-settlement land was available.[14]

Evictions in 1943 were also limited, as hundreds of Africans told to leave in the Blantyre District refused to leave as there was no land for them to go to, and the colonial authorities declined to use force. The Governor expected that more would take place in 1948 and also anticipated considerable trouble as in 1943. However, eviction notices were suspended because of the serious famine in 1949 until 1950. By September 1950, enough land had been obtained for resettlement and the evictions proceeded’ although they were resisted. The Governor of Nyasaland therefore set up a committee to review the 1928 ordinance and to suggest amendments. The committee proposed to end 5-yearly evictions and growing economic crops in lieu of rent, but to increase rents to an economic level, but with reductions for unmarried and other single women.[15]

There remained tensions between estate owners and tenants in the 1940s and early 1950s over evictions and the tenants’ wish to sell produce of their choice in local markets, not through the company. New legislation was introduced in 1952, and the tensions were lessened by government land purchases, mainly of former tobacco estates, after 1952. However, in the overcrowded Cholo district, the main area of tea estates, which retained thangata, grievances over thangata in 1953 led to major disturbances in which eleven people died. In 1962, the 1928 Ordinance was replaced by a 1962 Africans on Private Estates Ordinance that granted tenants security of tenure and abolished all forms of thangata requiring labour or the production of designated crops, replacing them with cash rents.[16]

See also

References

  1. ↑ J. A. K. Kandawire, (1977). Thangata in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Systems of Land Tenure in Southern Malawi, with Special Reference to Chingale, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 185-7.
  2. ↑ L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, Cambridge University Press pp. 79-81, 86-9, 111-17 ISBN 0-521-32182-4.
  3. ↑ C Newbury, (1980). Ubureetwa and Thangata: Catalysts to Peasant Political Consciousness in Rwanda and Malawi, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol.14, No. 1 (1980), pp. 107-9.
  4. ↑ C. A. Baker (1962) Nyasaland, The History of its Export Trade, The Nyasaland Journal, Vol. 15, No.1, pp. 15-16, 19-20, 25.
  5. ↑ J. A. K. Kandaŵire, (1977). Thangata in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Systems of Land Tenure in Southern Malaŵi, pp. 188.
  6. ↑ L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 173-4.
  7. ↑ J G Pike, (1969). Malawi: A Political and Economic History, London, Pall Mall Press, p. 188.
  8. ↑ Nyasaland Protectorate, (I920) Report of a Commission to enquire into and report upon certain matters connected with the occupation of land in the Nyasaland Protectorate, Zomba, Government Printer, pp. 34-5, 51, 88.
  9. ↑ L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 173-4.
  10. ↑ The Native Tenants on Private Estates Ordinance, 1928 Articles 4- 7, 21 in C Matthews and W E Lardner Jennings, (1947). The Laws of Nyasaland, Volume 1, London 1947, Crown Agents for the Colonies.
  11. ↑ L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 173-5, 196.
  12. ↑ R. I. Rotberg, (1965). The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa : The Making of Malawi and Zambia, 1873-1964, Cambridge (Mass), Harvard University Press, pp. 33-5, 44.
  13. ↑ The Native Tenants on Private Estates Ordinance, 1928 Articles 15-16.
  14. ↑ B Pachai (1973) Land Policies in Malawi: An Examination of the Colonial Legacy, The Journal of African History, Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 688-70.
  15. ↑ C Baker, (1993) “Seeds of Trouble: Government Policy and Land Rights in Nyasaland, 1946-1964” London, British Academic Press pp 40, 42-4.
  16. ↑ J G Pike, (1969). Malawi: A Political and Economic History, pp.128-30.
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