Protestant Ascendancy

The Protestant Ascendancy — known simply as the Ascendancy — was the political, economic and social domination of Ireland by a minority of landowners, Protestant clergy and members of the professions, all members of the Established Church (the Church of Ireland and Church of England) between the 17th century and the early 20th century. The Ascendancy excluded other groups from politics and high society – widely seen as primarily Roman Catholics, but also members of the Presbyterian and other Protestant denominations, along with non-Christians such as Jews. Until the Reform Acts (1832-1928) even the majority of Irish Protestants were effectively excluded from the Ascendancy, being too poor to vote. In general, the privileges of the Ascendancy were resented by Irish Catholics, who made up the majority of the population.

The gradual dispossession of large holdings belonging to several hundred native Roman Catholic landowners in Ireland took place in various stages from the reigns of the Roman Catholic Queen Mary and her Protestant half-sister Elizabeth I onwards. Unsuccessful revolts against English rule in 1595–1603 and 1641–53 and then the 1689–91 Williamite Wars caused much Irish land to be confiscated by the Crown, and then sold to people who were thought loyal, most of whom were English and Protestant. English soldiers and traders became the new ruling class, as its richer members were elevated to the Irish House of Lords and eventually controlled the Irish House of Commons (see Plantations of Ireland). This class became collectively known as the Anglo-Irish.

From the 1790s the phrase became used by the main two identities in Ireland: nationalists, who were mostly Catholics, used the phrase as a "focus of resentment", while for unionists, who were mostly Protestants, it gave a "compensating image of lost greatness".[1]

Origin of term

The phrase was first used in passing by Sir Boyle Roche in a speech to the Irish House of Commons on 20 February 1782.[2] George Ogle MP used it on 6 February 1786 in a debate on falling land values:

When the landed property of the Kingdom, when the Protestant Ascendancy is at stake, I cannot remain silent.

Then on 20 January 1792 Dublin Corporation approved by majority vote a resolution to George III that included:

We feel ourselves peculiarly called upon to stand forward in the crisis to pray your majesty to preserve the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland inviolate...[3]

The Corporation's resolution was a part of the debate over Catholic emancipation. In the event, Catholics were allowed to vote again in 1793, but could not sit in parliament until 1829.

The phrase therefore was seen to apply across classes to rural landowners as well as city merchants. The Dublin resolution was disapproved of by a wide range of commentators, such as the Marquess of Abercorn, who called it "silly", and William Drennan who said it was "actuated by the most monopolising spirit".[4]

The phrase became popularised outside Ireland by Edmund Burke, another liberal Protestant, and his ironic comment in 1792 was then used by Catholics seeking further political reforms:

A word has been lately struck in the mint of the castle of Dublin; thence it was conveyed to the Tholsel, or city-hall, where, having passed the touch of the corporation, so respectably stamped and vouched, it soon became current in parliament, and was carried back by the Speaker of the House of Commons in great pomp as an offering of homage from whence it came. The word is Ascendancy.[5]

Penal Laws

Flag of the Kingdom of Ireland 1542–1801
Main article: Penal Laws (Ireland)

The process of Protestant Ascendancy was facilitated and formalised in the legal system after 1691 by the passing of various Penal Laws, which discriminated against the property rights of the leading families of the majority Roman Catholic population.[6] They also covered the non-conforming ("Dissenter") Protestant denominations such as Presbyterians, where they:

However, those protected by the Treaty were still excluded from public political life.

The situation was confused by the policy of the Tory party in England and Ireland after 1688. They were Protestants who generally supported the Catholic Jacobite claim, and came to power briefly in London in 1710–14. Also in 1750 the main Catholic Jacobite heir and claimant to the three thrones, Charles Edward Stuart ("Bonny Prince Charlie"), converted to Anglicanism for a time, but had reverted to Roman Catholicism again by his father's death in 1766.

The son of James II, James Francis Edward Stuart (the Old Pretender), was recognised by the Holy See as the legitimate monarch of the Kingdom of England, Kingdom of Scotland and the separate Kingdom of Ireland until his death in January 1766, and Roman Catholics were morally obliged to support him. This provided the main political excuse for the new laws, but it was not entirely exclusive as there was no law against anyone converting to Protestantism. Thousands did so, as recorded on the "Convert Rolls", and this allowed for the successful careers of Irishmen such as that of William Conolly, but the majority declined to convert.

From 1766 onwards the Papacy did not object to the fact of an established Anglican Church, as Roman Catholicism was the established church in countries such as Spain until 1931 and Austria until 1918. It did, however, push for reforms allowing equality within the system.

As a result, political, legal and economic power resided with the Ascendancy to the extent that by the mid-18th century, though a small fraction of the population, 95% of the land of Ireland was calculated to be under minority control of those within the established church. Some 9% of this land belonged to formerly-Catholic landlords who had converted to the state religion.

Reform, though not complete, came in three main stages and was effected over 50 years:

Grattan's parliament

The confidence of the Ascendancy was manifested towards the end of the 18th century by its adoption of a nationalist Irish, though still exclusively Protestant, identity and the formation in the 1770s of Henry Grattan's Patriot Party. The formation of the Irish Volunteers to defend Ireland from French invasion during the American Revolution effectively gave Grattan a military force, and he was able to force Britain to concede a greater amount of self-rule to the Ascendancy.[7]

The parliament repealed most of the Penal Laws in 1771–93 but did not abolish them entirely. Grattan sought Catholic emancipation for the catholic middle classes from the 1780s, but could not persuade a majority of the Irish MPs to support him.[8] After the forced recall of the liberal Lord Fitzwilliam in 1795 by conservatives, parliament was effectively abandoned as a vehicle for change, giving rise to the United Irishmen – liberal elements across religious, ethnic, and class lines who began to plan for armed rebellion.[9] The resulting and often Protestant-led rebellion was crushed with vicious brutality;[10] the Act of Union of 1801 was passed partly in response to a perception that the bloodshed was provoked by the misrule of the Ascendancy, and partly from the expense involved.[9]

Act of Union and decline

St. Patrick's Cross – the Geraldine symbol. It became incorporated into the Union Flag after the 1800 Act of Union merged the formerly separate Kingdom of Ireland into the United Kingdom.

The abolition of the Irish Parliament was followed by economic decline in Ireland, and widespread emigration from among the ruling class to the new centre of power in London, which increased the number of absentee landlords. The reduction of legalised discrimination with the passage of Catholic emancipation in 1829 meant that the Ascendancy now faced competition from prosperous Catholics in parliament and in the higher-level professional ranks such as the judiciary and the army that were needed in the growing British Empire. From 1840 corporations running towns and cities in Ireland became more democratically elected; previously they were dominated until 1793 by guild members who had to be Protestants.

Great famine 1845–52

The festering sense of native grievance was magnified by the Great Irish Famine of 1845–52, with many of the Ascendancy reviled as absentee landlords whose agents were shipping locally produced food overseas, while much of the population starved. Ireland remained a net exporter of food throughout most of the famine. About 20% of the population emigrated. The Encumbered Estates Act of 1849 was passed to allow landlords to sell mortgaged land, where a sale would be restricted because the land was "entailed". Many landlords (10%) went bankrupt as their tenants could not pay any rent due to the famine.[11] One example was the Browne family which lost over 50,000 acres (200 km2) in County Mayo.[12]

Land War

As a consequence, the remnants of the Ascendancy were gradually displaced during the 19th and early 20th centuries through impoverishment, bankruptcy, the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland by the Irish Church Act 1869 and finally the Irish Land Acts, which legally allowed the sitting tenants to buy their land. Some typical "Ascendancy" land-owning families like the Marquess of Headfort and the Earl of Granard had by then converted to Catholicism, and a considerable number of Protestant Nationalists had already taken their part in Irish history.The government-sponsored Land Commission then bought up a further 13 million acres (53,000 km2) of farmland between 1885 and 1920 where the freehold was assigned under mortgage to tenant farmers and farm workers.

Nationalist movement

As mentioned earlier, the Irish Rebellion of 1798 was led by members of the Anglo-Irish class, some of whom feared the political implications of the impending union with Great Britain.[13] Reformist and nationalist politicians such as Henry Grattan (1746–1820), Wolfe Tone (1763–1798), Robert Emmet (1778–1803), and Sir John Gray (1815-1875) were also Protestant nationalists, and in large measure led and defined Irish nationalism. Even during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when Irish nationalism became increasingly tied to a Roman Catholic identity, it still counted among its leaders Protestants like Charles Stewart Parnell (1846–1891). [13]

With the Protestant yeoman class now driven out by a newly rising "Catholic Ascendancy",[14] the dozens of remaining Protestant large landowners were left isolated within the Catholic population without the benefit of the legal and social conventions once used to prop them up. Local government was democratised by the Act of 1898, passing many local powers to councillors who were usually supportive of nationalism. Formerly landlords had controlled the grand jury system, where membership was based on being a large ratepayer, and therefore from owning large amounts of land locally. The final phase of the decline of the Ascendancy occurred during the Anglo-Irish War, when some of the remaining Protestant landlords were either assassinated and/or had their country homes burned down.[15] Nearly 300 stately homes of the old landed class were burned down between 1919 and 1923. The campaign was stepped up by the Anti-Treaty IRA during the subsequent Irish Civil War (1922–23), who targeted some remaining wealthy and influential Protestants who had accepted nominations as Senators in the new Seanad of the Irish Free State.[15]

Northern Ireland

The Irish Free State became a semi-autonomous entity as a dominion within the British Empire in December 1922, while the United Kingdom Government had already, in 1920, partitioned Northern Ireland from the rest of Ireland. The Parliament of Northern Ireland voted to remain within the United Kingdom in 1922. There, the newly elected ruling class included many of the Protestant landed gentry, despite the area having an industrial economy. This gave the term 'ascendancy' a continuing role well into the 20th century. The remainder of Ireland comprising the Free State gained complete independence and sovereignty in 1949 as the Republic of Ireland.

Artistic and cultural role

Many members of the Ascendancy played a role in literary and artistic matters in 19th- and 20th-century Ireland, with Lady Gregory and William Butler Yeats starting the influential Celtic Revival movement and followed by authors such as Somerville and Ross, Hubert Butler and Elizabeth Bowen. Ballerina Dame Ninette de Valois, Nobel prize-winning author Samuel Beckett[16] and the artist Sir William Orpen came from the same social background.[17] Chris de Burgh[18] and the rock concert promoter Lord Conyngham (formerly Lord Mount Charles) are high-profile descendants of the Ascendancy in Ireland today.[19]

See also

References

  1. ↑ McCormack 1989, p. 181.
  2. ↑ McCormack 1989, p. 162.
  3. ↑ Calendar of the Ancient Records of Dublin 14, pp. 241–42.
  4. ↑ McCormack 1989, p. 177.
  5. ↑ McCormack 1989, p. 175.
  6. ↑ Oliver Rafferty (1994). Catholicism in Ulster, 1603-1983: An Interpretative History. U of South Carolina Press. p. 57ff.
  7. ↑ Crosbie, Barry Irish Imperial Networks Migration, Social Communication and Exchange in Nineteenth-Century India.' Cambridge University Press (2012) ISBN 0521119375.
  8. ↑ Hull, Eleanor A History of Ireland and Her People. Phoenix Publishing (1931) ISBN 0836969561.
  9. 1 2 "Act of Union". Queen's University Belfast. Retrieved 21 October 2011.
  10. ↑ "Revolution, Counter-Revolution and Union" (Cambridge University Press, 2000) Ed. Jim Smyth ISBN 0-521-66109-9
  11. ↑ Encumbered Estates Act detail
  12. ↑ Triarc notes on the Browne family – February 2009
  13. 1 2 D. George Boyce, Nationalism in Ireland (Routledge, 2 Sep 2003), 309.
  14. ↑ Clifford, Brendan, Canon Sheehan: A Turbulent Priest p.17, Irish Heritage Society, Dublin (1990) ISBN 1-873063-00-8
    Canon Sheehan of Doneraile asked in a long editorial, which was the Manifesto of the All-for-Ireland League, published by the Cork Free Press 11 June 1910 "We are a generous people; and yet we are told we must keep up a sectarian bitterness to the end; and the Protestant Ascendancy has been broken down, only to build Catholic Ascendancy on its ruins. Are we in earnest about our country at all or are we seeking to perpetuate our wretchedness by refusing the honest aid of Irishmen? Why should we throw unto the arms of England those children of Ireland who would be our most faithful allies, if we did not seek to disinherit them? "
  15. 1 2 Murphy, Gerard (2010), The Year of Disappearances: Political Killings in Cork 1920–1921, Cork: Gill & McMillian Ltd.
  16. ↑ "Beckett and Ireland" CUP 2010
  17. ↑ John Turpin (Autumn 1979). "William Orpen as Student and Teacher" (PDF). Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, Vol 68, No 271. Retrieved 30 October 2014.
  18. ↑ Clayton-Lea, Tony Chris de Burgh: The Authorized Biography.' Sidgwick & Jackson (1996) ISBN 0283062363.
  19. ↑ Mount Charles, Henry Public Space-Private Life: A Decade at Slane Castle.' Faber & Faber (1989) ISBN 0571154972.

Bibliography

Further reading

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