Vayikra (parsha)

This article is about Judaism's weekly Torah portion on the parashah of "Vayikra". For other uses, see Vayikra (disambiguation).

Vayikra, VaYikra, Va-yikra, or Vayyiqra (וַיִּקְרָא — Hebrew for "and He called," the first word in the parashah) is the 24th weekly Torah portion (פָּרָשָׁה, parashah) in the annual Jewish cycle of Torah reading and the first in the book of Leviticus. It constitutes Leviticus 1:1–5:26 (1:1–6:7 in the KJV). The parashah has the most letters and words of any of the weekly Torah portions in the book of Leviticus (although not the most verses), and is made up of 6,222 Hebrew letters, 1,673 Hebrew words, and 111 verses, and can occupy about 215 lines in a Torah scroll (סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה, Sefer Torah). (Parashah Emor has the most verses of any Torah portion in Leviticus.)[1]

Jews read it the 23rd or 24th Sabbath after Simchat Torah, generally in March or early April.

The parashah lays out the laws of sacrifices (קָרְבָּנוֹת, korbanot).

The Sacrifice of the Old Covenant (painting by Peter Paul Rubens)

Readings

In traditional Sabbath Torah reading, the parashah is divided into seven readings, or עליות, aliyot.[2]

First reading — Leviticus 1:1–13

In the first reading (עליה, aliyah), God called to Moses from the Tabernacle and told him the laws of the sacrifices.[3] Burnt offerings (עֹלָה, olah) could be bulls, rams or male goats, or turtle doves or pigeons, which the priest burned completely on wood on the altar.[4]

Second reading — Leviticus 1:14–2:6

In the second reading (עליה, aliyah), burnt offerings could also be turtle doves or pigeons, which the priest also burned completely on wood on the altar.[5]

Meal offerings (מִנְחָה, minchah) were of choice flour with oil, from which priest would remove a token portion to burn on the altar, and the remainder the priests could eat.[6]

Third reading — Leviticus 2:7–16

In the third reading (עליה, aliyah), meal offering could also be cooked in a pan.[7] Meal offerings could not contain leaven or honey, and had to be seasoned with salt.[8] Meal offerings of first fruits had to be new ears parched with fire, grits of the fresh grain.[9]

Fourth reading — Leviticus 3:1–17

In the fourth reading (עליה, aliyah), sacrifices of well-being (שְׁלָמִים, shelamim) could be male or a female cattle, sheep, or goats, from which the priest would dash the blood on the sides of the altar and burn the fat around the entrails, the kidneys, and the protuberance on the liver on the altar.[10]

Fifth reading — Leviticus 4:1–26

In the long fifth reading (עליה, aliyah), sin offerings (חַטָּאת, chatat) for unwitting sin by the High Priest or the community required sacrificing a bull, sprinkling its blood in the Tent of Meeting, burning on the altar the fat around the entrails, the kidneys, and the protuberance on the liver, and burning the rest of the bull on an ash heap outside the camp.[11] Guilt offerings for unwitting sin by a chieftain required sacrificing a male goat, putting some of its blood on the horns of the altar, and burning its fat.[12]

Sixth reading — Leviticus 4:27–5:10

In the sixth reading (עליה, aliyah), guilt offerings for unwitting sin by a lay person required sacrificing a female goat, putting some of its blood on the horns of the altar, and burning its fat.[13] Sin offerings were required for cases when a person:

In such cases, the person had to confess and sacrifice a female sheep or goat; or if the person could not afford a sheep, two turtledoves or two pigeons.[15]

Seventh reading — Leviticus 5:11–26

In the seventh reading (עליה, aliyah), if a person could not afford two turtledoves or pigeons, then the person was to bring flour for a sin-offering to the priest, and the priest would take a handful of it and make it smoke on the altar, and thereby make atonement.[16]

Guilt offerings (אָשָׁם, asham) were required when a person was unwittingly remiss about any sacred thing.[17] In such cases, the person had to sacrifice a ram and make restitution plus 20 percent to the priest.[18] Similarly, guilt offerings were required when a person dealt deceitfully in the matter of a deposit or a pledge, through robbery, by fraud, or by finding something lost and lying about it.[19] In such cases, the person had to sacrifice a ram and make restitution plus 20 percent to the victim.[20]

Readings according to the triennial cycle

Jews who read the Torah according to the triennial cycle of Torah reading read the parashah according to the following schedule:[21]

Year 1 Year 2 Year 3
2013–2014, 2016–2017, 2019–2020 ... 2014–2015, 2017–2018, 2020–2021 ... 2015–2016, 2018–2019, 2021–2022 ...
Reading 1:1–2:16 3:1–4:26 4:27–5:26
1 1:1–4 3:1–5 4:27–31
2 1:5–9 3:6–11 4:32–35
3 1:10–13 3:12–17 5:1–10
4 1:14–17 4:1–7 5:11–13
5 2:1–6 4:8–12 5:14–16
6 2:7–13 4:13–21 5:17–19
7 2:14–16 4:22–26 5:20–26
Maftir 2:14–16 4:24–26 5:24–26

In inner-Biblical interpretation

Priests Offering a Sacrifice (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Sweet Publishing)

The parashah has parallels or is discussed in these Biblical sources:[22]

Leviticus chapter 1–7

In Psalm 50, God clarifies the purpose of sacrifices. God states that correct sacrifice was not the taking of a bull out of the sacrificer's house, nor the taking of a goat out of the sacrificer's fold, to convey to God, for every animal was already God's possession.[23] The sacrificer was not to think of the sacrifice as food for God, for God neither hungers nor eats.[24] Rather, the worshiper was to offer to God the sacrifice of thanksgiving and call upon God in times of trouble, and thus God would deliver the worshiper and the worshiper would honor God.[25]

And Psalm 107 enumerates four occasions on which a thank-offering (זִבְחֵי תוֹדָה, zivchei todah),[26] as described in Leviticus 7:12–15 (referring to a זֶבַח תּוֹדַת, zevach todah) would be appropriate: (1) passage through the desert,[27] (2) release from prison,[28] (3) recovery from serious disease,[29] and (4) surviving a storm at sea.[30]

Noah's Sacrifice (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

The Hebrew Bible reports several instances of sacrifices before God explicitly called for them in Leviticus 1–7. While Leviticus 1:3–17 and Leviticus 6:1–6 set out the procedure for the burnt offering (עֹלָה, olah), before then, Genesis 8:20 reports that Noah offered burnt-offerings (עֹלֹת, olot) of every clean beast and bird on an altar after the waters of the Flood subsided. The story of the Binding of Isaac includes three references to the burnt offering (עֹלָה, olah). In Genesis 22:2, God told Abraham to take Isaac and offer him as a burnt-offering (עֹלָה, olah). Genesis 22:3 then reports that Abraham rose early in the morning and split the wood for the burnt-offering (עֹלָה, olah). And after the angel of the Lord averted Isaac's sacrifice, Genesis 22:13 reports that Abraham lifted up his eyes and saw a ram caught in a thicket, and Abraham then offered the ram as a burnt-offering (עֹלָה, olah) instead of his son. Exodus 10:25 reports that Moses pressed Pharaoh for Pharaoh to give the Israelites "sacrifices and burnt-offerings" (זְבָחִים וְעֹלֹת, zevachim v'olot) to offer to God. And Exodus 18:12 reports that after Jethro heard all that God did to Pharaoh and the Egyptians, Jethro offered a burnt-offering and sacrifices (עֹלָה וּזְבָחִים, olah uzevachim) to God.

Abram Called To Be a Blessing (illustration from a Bible card published 1906 by the Providence Lithograph Company)

While Leviticus 2 and Leviticus 6:7–16 set out the procedure for the meal-offering (מִנְחָה, minchah), before then, in Genesis 4:3, Cain brought an offering (מִנְחָה, minchah) of the fruit of the ground. And then Genesis 4:4–5 reports that God had respect for Abel and his offering (מִנְחָתוֹ, minchato), but for Cain and his offering (מִנְחָתוֹ, minchato), God had no respect.

And while Numbers 15:4–9 indicates that one bringing an animal sacrifice needed also to bring a drink-offering (נֶּסֶךְ, nesech), before then, in Genesis 35:14, Jacob poured out a drink-offering (נֶּסֶךְ, nesech) at Bethel.

More generally, the Hebrew Bible addressed "sacrifices" (זְבָחִים, zevachim) generically in connection with Jacob and Moses. After Jacob and Laban reconciled, Genesis 31:54 reports that Jacob offered a sacrifice (זֶבַח, zevach) on the mountain and shared a meal with his kinsmen. And after Jacob learned that Joseph was still alive in Egypt, Genesis 46:1 reports that Jacob journeyed to Beersheba and offered sacrifices (זְבָחִים, zevachim) to the God of his father Isaac. And Moses and Aaron argued repeatedly with Pharaoh over their request to go three days' journey into the wilderness and sacrifice (וְנִזְבְּחָה, venizbechah) to God.[31]

The Hebrew Bible also includes several ambiguous reports in which Abraham or Isaac built or returned to an altar and "called upon the name of the Lord."[32] In these cases, the text implies but does not explicitly state that the Patriarch offered a sacrifice.[33] And at God's request, Abraham conducted an unusual sacrifice at the Covenant between the Pieces (ברית בין הבתרים) in Genesis 15:9–21.

Leviticus chapter 5

The Rabbis read Leviticus 5:21–26 together with Numbers 5:6–8 as related passages.[34] Leviticus 5:21–26 deals with those who sin and commit a trespass against God by dealing falsely with their neighbors in the matter of a deposit, pledge, robbery, other oppression of their neighbors, or the finding of lost property, and swear to a lie. Leviticus 5:23–24 provides that the offender must immediately restore in full to the victim the property at issue and shall add an additional fifth part. And Leviticus 5:25–26 requires the offender to bring to the priest an unblemished ram for a guilt-offering, and the priest shall make atonement for the offender before God, and the offender shall be forgiven. Numbers 5:6–7 directs that when people commit any sin against God, then they shall confess and make restitution in full to the victim and add a fifth part. And Numbers 5:8 provides that if the victim has no heir to whom restitution may be made, the offender must make restitution to the priest, in addition to the ram of atonement.

In classical rabbinic interpretation

The parashah is discussed in these rabbinic sources from the era of the Mishnah and the Talmud:[35]

Leviticus chapter 1

Rav Assi said that young children began their Torah studies with Leviticus and not with Genesis because young children are pure, and the sacrifices explained in Leviticus are pure, so the pure studied the pure.[36]

A Midrash noted that the section recounting the setting up of the Tabernacle in Exodus 38:21–40:38, in which, beginning with Exodus 39:1, nearly every paragraph concludes, "Even as the Lord commanded Moses,"[37] is followed by Leviticus 1:1: "And the Lord called to Moses." The Midrash compared this to the case of a king who commanded his servant to build him a palace. On everything the servant built, he wrote the name of the king. The servant wrote the name of the king on the walls, the pillars, and the roof beams. After some time the king entered the palace, and on everything he saw he found his name. The king thought that the servant had done him all this honor, and yet the servant remained outside. So the king had called that the servant might come right in. So, too, when God directed Moses to make God a Tabernacle, Moses wrote on everything he made "Even as the Lord commanded Moses." God thought that Moses had done God all this honor, and yet Moses remained outside. So God call Moses so that he might enter the innermost part of the Tabernacle. Therefore, Leviticus 1:1 reports, "And the Lord called to Moses."[38] Rabbi Samuel bar Nahman said in the name of Rabbi Nathan that "as the Lord commanded" is written 18 times in the section recounting the setting up of the Tabernacle in Parashah Pekudei, corresponding to the 18 vertebrae of the spinal column. Likewise, the Sages instituted 18 benedictions of the Amidah prayer, corresponding to the 18 mentions of the Divine Name in the reading of the Shema, and also in Psalm 29. Rabbi Hiyya bar Abba taught that the 18 times "command" are counted only from Exodus 38:23, "And with him was Oholiab, the son of Ahisamach of the tribe of Dan," until the end of the Book of Exodus.[39]

Rabbi Simeon ben Yohai taught that, generally speaking, the Torah required a burnt offering only as expiation for sinful meditation of the heart.[40]

A Midrash taught that if people repent, it is accounted as if they had gone up to Jerusalem, built the Temple and the altars, and offered all the sacrifices ordained in the Torah.[41] Rabbi Aha said in the name of Rabbi Hanina ben Pappa that God accounts studying the sacrifices as equivalent to offering them. Rav Huna taught that God said that engaging in the study of Mishnah is as if one were offering up sacrifices. Samuel taught that God said that engaging in the study of the law is as if one were building the Temple.[42] And the Avot of Rabbi Natan taught that God loves Torah study more than sacrifice.[43]

Rabbi Ammi taught that Abraham asked God if Israel would come to sin, would God punish them as God punished the generation of the Flood and the generation of the Tower of Babel. God answered that God would not. Abraham then asked God in Genesis 15:8: “How shall I know?” God replied in Genesis 15:9: “Take Me a heifer of three years old . . .” (indicating that Israel would obtain forgiveness through sacrifices). Abraham then asked God what Israel would do when the Temple would no longer exist. God replied that whenever Jews read the Biblical text dealing with sacrifices, God would reckon it as if they were bringing an offering, and forgive all their iniquities.[44]

Johanan ben Zakai (detail from The Knesset Menorah in Jerusalem)

The Gemara taught that when Rav Sheshet fasted, on concluding his prayer, he added a prayer that God knew that when the Temple still stood, if people sinned, they used to bring sacrifices (pursuant to Leviticus 4:27–35 and 7:2–5), and though they offered only the animal’s fat and blood, atonement was granted. Rav Sheshet continued that he had fasted and his fat and blood had diminished, so he asked that it be God’s will to account Rav Sheshet fat and blood that had been diminished as if he had offered them on the Altar.[45]

Rabbi Isaac declared that prayer takes precedence over sacrifice.[46]

The Avot of Rabbi Natan taught that as Rabban Johanan ben Zakai and Rabbi Joshua were leaving Jerusalem, Rabbi Joshua expressed sorrow that the place where the Israelites had atoned for their iniquities had been destroyed. But Rabban Johanan ben Zakai told him not to grieve, for we have in acts of loving-kindness another atonement as effective as sacrifice at the Temple, as Hosea 6:6 says, “For I desire mercy, and not sacrifice.”[47]

Rabbi Leazar ben Menahem taught that the opening words of Leviticus 1:1, "And the Lord called," indicated God's proximity to Moses. Rabbi Leazar taught that the words of Proverbs 15:29, "The Lord is far from the wicked," refer to the prophets of other nations. But the continuation of Proverbs 15:29, "He hears the prayer of the righteous," refers to the prophets of Israel. God appears to nations other that Israel only as one who comes from a distance, as Isaiah 39:3 says, "They came from a far country to me." But in connection with the prophets of Israel, Genesis 18:1 says, "And the Lord appeared," and Leviticus 1:1 says, "And the Lord called," implying from the immediate vicinity. Rabbi Haninah compared the difference between the prophets of Israel and the prophets of other nations to a king who was with his friend in a chamber (separated by a curtain). Whenever the king desired to speak to his friend, he folded up the curtain and spoke to him. (But God speaks to the prophets of other nations without folding back the curtain.) The Rabbis compared it to a king who has a wife and a concubine; to his wife he goes openly, but to his concubine he repairs with stealth. Similarly, God appears to non-Jews only at night, as Numbers 22:20 says, "And God came to Balaam at night," and Genesis 31:24 says, "And God came to Laban the Aramean in a dream of the night."[48]

sacrifices (woodcut by Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld from the 1860 Die Bibel in Bildern)

The Sifra cited Leviticus 1:1 along with Exodus 3:4 for the proposition that whenever God spoke to Moses, God first called out to him.[49] And the Sifra deduced from God's calling "to him" in Leviticus 1:1 that God meant to speak to Moses alone, to the exclusion of even Aaron. Rabbi Judah ben Betera noted that God spoke to Moses and Aaron together in 13 passages, and to Moses alone in 13 passages, teaching that in these latter passages, Moses was then to inform Aaron. And Rabbi Jose the Galilean deduced from the use of "at the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 1:1 that every time that God spoke to Moses at the tent of meeting, God spoke to Moses alone, to the exclusion of Aaron.[50] Rabbi Tanchum ben Chanilai found in God's calling to Moses alone in Leviticus 1:1 proof that a burden that is too heavy for 600,000 — hearing the voice of God (see Deuteronomy 5:22) — can nonetheless be light for one.[51] And the Sifra also deduced from Leviticus 1:1 that God's voice, perhaps because it was subdued, resonated only within the tent itself.[52]

Rabbi Tanhuma said in the name of Rabbi Joshua ben Korchah that Leviticus 1:1 demonstrated that out of the 10 different names that Scripture applied to Moses, God always addressed Moses by his given name.[53]

The Sifra taught that the term "any man" (אָדָם, adam) in Leviticus 1:2 encompassed converts. But the term "of you" excluded apostates.[54]

Rabbi Judah read Leviticus 1:2, “Speak to the children (בְּנֵי, benei) of Israel,” to mean that the “sons” (בְּנֵי, benei) of Israel could lay hands (סמיכה, smichah) on a sacrifice before it was offered, but not the “daughters” (בְּנוֹת, benot) of Israel. Rabbi Jose and Rabbi Simeon, however, disagreed, teaching that women also could lay hands on sacrifices. Abaye taught that a Baraita followed Rabbi Jose and Rabbi Simeon when it taught that both women and children can blow the shofar on Rosh Hashanah.[55]

The Mishnah deduced from Leviticus 1:3 that the offeror only effected atonement if the offeror brought the offering voluntarily, but if the offeror pledged to bring a burnt offering, the Mishnah taught that they compelled the offeror to state that the offering was voluntary. The Rabbis in a Baraita read the words "he shall offer it" in Leviticus 1:3 to teach that the congregation needed to compel the offeror to fulfill the offeror’s obligation.[56] And the Mishnah taught that the intention of the priest conducting the sacrifice determined whether the offering would prove valid.[57]

The Gemara interpreted the requirement of Leviticus 1:5 that the priest "dash the blood round about against the altar" to teach that the priest threw the blood against two opposing corners of the altar, thus hitting all four sides of the altar and satisfying the requirement to dash the altar "round about."[58]

Priestly Duties (1695 woodcut by Johann Christoph Weigel)

Rabbi Eliezer (or some say Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob) taught that Nadab and Abihu died in Leviticus 10:2 only because they gave a legal decision interpreting Leviticus 1:7 in the presence of their Master Moses. Even though Leviticus 9:24 reports that "fire came forth from before the Lord and consumed the burnt-offering and the fat on the altar," Nadab and Abihu deduced from the command of Leviticus 1:7 that "the sons of Aaron the priest shall put fire upon the altar" that the priests still had a religious duty to bring some ordinary fire to the altar, as well.[59]

The Mishnah noted that Leviticus 1:9; 1:17; and 2:9 each use the same words, "an offering made by fire, of a sweet savor to the Lord," whether to describe the burnt offering of a beast, a bird offering, or even a meal offering. (And Leviticus 5:7; 5:11; 12:8; and 14:21–22 provided that people of lesser means could bring less-expensive offerings.) The Mishnah deduced from this that one who sacrificed much and one who sacrificed little attained equal merit, so long as the donors directed their hearts to Heaven.[60] Rabbi Zera taught that Ecclesiastes 5:11 provided a Scriptural proof for this when it says, "Sweet is the sleep of a serving man, whether he eat little or much." Rav Adda bar Ahavah taught that Ecclesiastes 5:10 provided a Scriptural proof for this when it says, "When goods increase, they are increased who eat them; and what advantage is there to the owner thereof." Rabbi Simeon ben Azzai taught that Scripture says of a large ox, "An offering made by fire of a sweet savor"; of a small bird, "An offering made by fire of a sweet savor"; and of a meal-offering, "An offering made by fire of a sweet savor." Rabbi Simeon ben Azzai thus taught that Scripture uses the same expression each time to teach that it is the same whether people offered much or little, so long as they directed their hearts to Heaven.[61] And Rabbi Isaac asked why the meal-offering was distinguished in that Leviticus 2:1 uses the word "soul" (נֶפֶשׁ, nefesh) to refer to the donor of a meal-offering, instead of the usual "man" (אָדָם, adam, in Leviticus 1:2, or אִישׁ, ish, in Leviticus 7:8) used in connection with other sacrifices. Rabbi Isaac taught that Leviticus 2:1 uses the word "soul" (נֶפֶשׁ, nefesh) because God noted that the one who usually brought a meal-offering was a poor man, and God accounted it as if the poor man had offered his own soul.[62]

The Mishnah taught that the priest's obligation in Leviticus 1:9 to offer the fats and other sacrificial pieces persisted until dawn.[63]

The Sifra deduced from Leviticus 1:10 that God occasionally began freestanding statements to Moses so as to allow Moses a pause to collect his thoughts. The Sifra generalized from this example that it was all the more appropriate for ordinary people to speak deliberately in conversation with other people.[64]

Tractate Zevachim in the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the law of animal sacrifices in Leviticus 1–5.[65]

Tractate Kinnim in the Mishnah interpreted the laws of pairs of sacrificial pigeons and doves in Leviticus 1:14, 5:7, 12:6–8, 14:22, and 15:29; and Numbers 6:10.[66]

Leviticus chapter 2

Tractate Menachot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Talmud interpreted the law of meal offerings in Leviticus 2.[67]

the altar of the tabernacle (illustration from Philip Y. Pendleton. Standard Eclectic Commentary. Cincinnati: Standard Publishing Co., 1901.)

Leviticus chapter 3

The Gemara deduced from the words "And if his offering be a sacrifice of peace-offerings" in Leviticus 3:1 that for an offering to be effective, one needed to slaughter the sacrifice for the sake of its being a peace-offering.[68]

Rabbi Judah taught that whoever brought a peace-offering brought peace to the world. Rabbi Simeon taught that they are called "peace-offerings" because all are at peace, each sharing in them. The blood and the limbs were for the altar, the breast and the thigh for the priests, and the hide and the meat for the owner.[69]

Rabbi Simeon interpreted the term "peace-offering" (שְׁלָמִים, shelamim) in Leviticus 3:1 and after to indicate that a person could bring the offering only when "whole" (שָׁלֵם, shalem), and thus not when one was in the first stage of mourning after the death of a close relative.[70]

High Priest Offering a Sacrifice of a Goat (illustration from Henry Davenport Northrop. Treasures of the Bible. International Pub. Co., 1894.)

Interpreting the words "And he shall . . . kill it at the door of the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:2, Rav Judah deduced in the name of Samuel that the priest had to kill the sacrifice when the gate was open, not when the gate was closed, and thus that peace-offerings slain before the doors of the Temple were opened were invalid.[71]

The Mishnah taught that because the peace-offering was a sacrifice of lesser sanctity, it could be slain in any part of the Temple court.[72] The Rabbis taught in a Baraita that the Mishnah's rule could be derived from the words "And he shall . . . kill it at the door of the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:2, "And he shall . . . kill it before the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:8, and "And he shall . . . kill it before the tent of meeting" in Leviticus 3:13. The three verses taken together taught that all sides of the Temple court were fit for performing sacrifices of lesser sanctity.[73]

The Gemara deduced from the words "And the priest shall make it smoke" in Leviticus 3:11 that the priest must not mix portions of one sacrifice with those of another. And the Gemara cited a Baraita to interpret the words "And the priest shall make them smoke" Leviticus 3:16 to teach that the priest had to burn all the sacrificed parts of an offering at the same time.[74]

A Midrash interpreted Psalm 146:7, "The Lord lets loose the prisoners," to read, "The Lord permits the forbidden," and thus to teach that what God forbade in one case, God permitted in another. Thus, God forbade the abdominal fat of cattle in Leviticus 3:3, but permitted it in the case of beasts. God forbade consuming the sciatic nerve in animals (in Genesis 32:33) but permitted it in fowl. God forbade eating meat without ritual slaughter (in Leviticus 17:1–4) but permitted it for fish. Similarly, Rabbi Abba and Rabbi Jonathan in the name of Rabbi Levi taught that God permitted more things than God forbade. For example, God counterbalanced the prohibition of pork (in Leviticus 11:7 and Deuteronomy 14:7–8) by permitting mullet (which some say tastes like pork).[75]

The Sages taught that one may trust butchers to remove the fat that Leviticus 3:17 and 7:23 forbids.[76]

The National Sin Offering (illustration from the 1890 Holman Bible)

Leviticus chapter 4

Reading Leviticus 4:3–21, the Mishnah noted that the person who burned the bull (as well as the person who led away the scapegoat pursuant to Leviticus 16:7–10 and 26, the person who burned the bull burned pursuant to Leviticus 16:27, and the person who burned the red cow pursuant to Numbers 19:8) rendered unclean the clothes worn while so doing. But the bull (as well as the scapegoat, the other bull, and the red cow) did not itself render unclean clothes with which it came in contact. The Mishnah imagined the clothing saying to the person: "Those that render you unclean do not render me unclean, but you render me unclean."[77]

Tractate Horayot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem Talmud, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the laws of the High Priest's bull in Leviticus 4:1–12, the bull for a communal error in Leviticus 4:13–21, the ruler's goat in Leviticus 4:22–26, and the sin offerings in Leviticus 4:27–5:12, and 5:17–19.[78]

The Rabbis interpreted the words, "If any one shall sin through error," in Leviticus 4:2 to apply to inadvertent transgressions.[79]

The Mishnah taught that 36 transgressions warranted excision ("the soul shall be cut off," נִכְרְתָה הַנֶּפֶשׁ, nichretah ha-nefesh) if committed intentionally, and warranted bringing of a sin offering (חַטָּאת, chatat), as in Leviticus 4:2, if committed inadvertently: when a man has intercourse with (1) his mother, (2) his father's wife, (3) his daughter-in-law, (4) another man, or (5) an animal; (6) when a woman has intercourse with an animal; when a man has intercourse with (7) a woman and her daughter, (8) a married woman, (9) his sister, (10) his father's sister, (11) his mother's sister, (12) his wife's sister, (13) his brother's wife, (14) the wife of his father's brother, or (15) a menstruating woman;[80] when one (16) blasphemes, (17) serves idols, (18) dedicates children to Molech, (19) has a familiar spirit, (20) desecrates the Sabbath, (21) eats of sacrificial food while unclean, (22) enters the precincts of the Temple in an unclean state, eats (23) forbidden fat, (24) blood, (25) remnant, or (26) refuse, (27) slaughters or (28) offers up a consecrated animal outside the Temple precincts, (29) eats anything leavened on Passover, (30) eats or (31) works on Yom Kippur, compounds sacred (32) anointing oil or (33) incense, (34) uses sacred anointing oil improperly, or transgresses the laws of (35) the Passover offering or (36) circumcision.[81]

Priests Preparing an Offering (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Sweet Publishing)

Leviticus chapter 5

Rabbi Joshua of Siknin taught in the name of Rabbi Levi that Leviticus 5 uses the word "soul" (נֶפֶשׁ, nefesh) six times,[82] corresponding to the six days of Creation. God said to the soul that all that God created in the six days of creation God created for the sake of the soul, and then the soul went and sinned! And thus, Leviticus 5:1 begins, "When a soul sins ..."[83]

Tractates Nedarim and Shevuot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem Talmud, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the laws of vows and oaths in Exodus 20:7, Leviticus 5:1–10 and 19:12, Numbers 30:2–17, and Deuteronomy 23:24.[84]

The Mishnah supposed that a witness, after having been cautioned about the grave responsibility of being a witness, would think that the witness should just avoid the trouble of testifying. The Mishnah taught that this is why Leviticus 5:1 says, "And he witnessed or saw or knew, if didn't say anything, he bears the sin." (And thus the witness must testify.)[85]

The Mishnah (following Leviticus 5:7–8) taught that a sin-offering of a bird preceded a burnt-offering of a bird; and the priest also dedicated them in that order.[86] Rabbi Eliezer taught that wherever an offerer (because of poverty) substituted for an animal sin-offering the offering of two birds (one of which was for a sin-offering and the other for a burnt-offering), the priest sacrificed the bird sin-offering before the bird burnt-offering (as Leviticus 5:7–8 instructs). But in the case of a woman after childbirth discussed in Leviticus 12:8 (where a poor new mother could substitute for an animal burnt-offering two birds, one for a sin-offering and the other for a burnt-offering), the bird burnt-offering took precedence over the bird sin-offering. Wherever the offering came on account of sin, the sin-offering took precedence. But here (in the case of a woman after childbirth, where the sin-offering was not on account of sin) the burnt-offering took precedence. And wherever both birds came instead of one animal sin-offering, the sin-offering took precedence. But here (in the case of a woman after childbirth) they did not both come on account of a sin-offering (for in poverty she substituted a bird burnt-offering for an animal burnt-offering, as Leviticus 12:6–7 required her to bring a bird sin-offering in any case), the burnt-offering took precedence. (The Gemara asked whether this contradicted the Mishnah, which taught that a bird sin-offering took precedence over an animal burnt-offering, whereas here she brought the animal burnt-offering before the bird sin-offering.) Rava taught that Leviticus 12:6–7 merely accorded the bird burnt-offering precedence in the mentioning. (Thus, some read Rava to teach that Leviticus 12:6–8 lets the reader read first about the burnt-offering, but in fact the priest sacrificed the sin-offering first. Others read Rava to teach that one first dedicated the animal or bird for the burnt-offering and then dedicated the bird for the sin-offering, but in fact the priest sacrificed the sin-offering first.)[87]

A Midrash deduced from the instructions in Leviticus 5:11–13 for the poor person to bring meal offerings that God valued the poor person's offering.[88]

Chapter 9 of Tractate Bava Kamma in the Mishnah and Babylonian Talmud and chapters 9 and 10 of Tractate Bava Kamma in the Tosefta interpreted Leviticus 5:21–26 together with Numbers 5:6–8.[89]

The Mishnah taught that if one robbed another of something worth a perutah and the robber nonetheless swore that the robber did not do so, the robber was obliged to take restitution to the victim even if the robber needed to go as far as Persia. The robber could not give the restitution to the victim's son nor to the victim's agent, but the robber could give it to an agent of the court. If the victim died, the robber had to restore it to the victim's heirs.[90]

In medieval Jewish interpretation

The parashah is discussed in these medieval Jewish sources:[91]

Leviticus chapters 1–7

Maimonides

Maimonides and Nachmanides differed about the reason for the sacrificial system. Maimonides wrote that the reason for the offerings was because when the Israelites lived in Egypt and Chaldea, the Egyptians worshipped sheep and the Chaldeans worshipped demons in the form of goats. And people in India never slaughter cattle. Thus God commanded the Israelites to slaughter cattle, sheep, and goats to God, so that worshipers of the other lands would know that God required the very act that they considered to be the utmost sin, and through that act God would forgive Israel's sins. God thus intended to cure the people of the other nations of false beliefs, which Maimonides characterized as diseases of the soul, for diseases are healed by medicines that are antithetical to the diseases.[92]

Maimonides taught that God instituted the practice of sacrifices as a transitional step to wean the Israelites off of the worship of the times and move them toward prayer as the primary means of worship. Maimonides noted that in nature, God created animals that develop gradually. For example, when a mammal is born, it is extremely tender, and cannot eat dry food, so God provided breasts that yield milk to feed the young animal, until it can eat dry food. Similarly, Maimonides taught, God instituted many laws as temporary measures, as it would have been impossible for the Israelites suddenly to discontinue everything to which they had become accustomed. So God sent Moses to make the Israelites (in the words of Exodus 19:6) "a kingdom of priests and a holy nation." But the general custom of worship in those days was sacrificing animals in temples that contained idols. So God did not command the Israelites to give up those manners of service, but allowed them to continue. God transferred to God's service what had formerly served as a worship of idols, and commanded the Israelites to serve God in the same manner — namely, to build to a Sanctuary (Exodus 25:8), to erect the altar to God's name (Exodus 20:21), to offer sacrifices to God (Leviticus 1:2), to bow down to God, and to burn incense before God. God forbad doing any of these things to any other being and selected priests for the service in the Temple in Exodus 28:41. By this Divine plan, God blotted out the traces of idolatry, and established the great principle of the Existence and Unity of God. But the sacrificial service, Maimonides taught, was not the primary object of God's commandments about sacrifice; rather, supplications, prayers, and similar kinds of worship are nearer to the primary object. Thus God limited sacrifice to only one Temple (see Deuteronomy 12:26) and the priesthood to only the members of a particular family. These restrictions, Maimonides taught, served to limit sacrificial worship, and kept it within such bounds that God did not feel it necessary to abolish sacrificial service altogether. But in the Divine plan, prayer and supplication can be offered everywhere and by every person, as can be the wearing of tzitzit (Numbers 15:38) and tefillin (Exodus 13:9, 16) and similar kinds of service.[93]

Nachmanides

Nachmanides, on the other hand, noted that Leviticus 3:16 mentioned a reason for the offerings — that they are "a fire-offering, of a pleasing odor to the Eternal." Nachmanides rejected the argument that the offerings were meant to eliminate the foreigners' foolish ideas, for the sacrifices would not have that effect, as the foreigners' intention was to worship the constellations of the sheep and the ox, and if Jews slaughtered sheep and oxen to God, it would show respect and honor to those constellations. Nachmanides further noted that when Noah came out of the ark, there were as yet no Chaldeans or Egyptians in the world, yet Noah brought an offering that pleased God so much that Genesis 8:21 reports that on its account God said, "I will not again curse the ground anymore for man's sake." Similarly, Abel brought of the first-born of his flock and Genesis 4:4 reports that "the Eternal had regard to Abel and to his offering," but there had not yet been a trace of idol worship in the world. In Numbers 23:4, Balaam said, "I have prepared the seven altars, and I have offered up a bullock and a ram on every altar," but his intent was not to eradicate evil beliefs from Balak's mind, but rather to approach God so that God's communication would reach Balaam. Nachmanides argued that the reason for the offerings was more likely that since people's deeds are accomplished through thought, speech, and action, therefore God commanded that when people sin and bring an offering, they should lay their hands on it in contrast to the evil deed that they committed. Offerers would confess their sin verbally to contrast with their evil speech. They would burn parts of the animal in fire that were seen as the instruments of thought and desire in human beings. The offerers would burn the legs of the animal because they corresponded to the limbs with which the offerer acted. The offerer sprinkled blood on the altar, which is analogous to the blood in the offerer's body. Nachmanides argued that offerers performed these acts so that the offerers should realize that the offerers had sinned against God with their bodies. And the offerer's soul and blood should have been spilled and the offerer's body burned, were it not for God's loving-kindness in taking a substitute and a ransom — the offering — so that the offering's blood should be in place of the offerer's blood, its life in place of the offerer's life, and that the limbs of the offering in place of the parts of the offerer's body.[94]

In modern interpretation

The parashah is discussed in these modern sources:

Leviticus chapters 1–7

Kugel

Professor James Kugel of Bar Ilan University reported that ancient texts offered several explanations for why peoples of the ancient Near East sacrificed animals: to provide the deity food (see Numbers 28:2); to offer the life of the slaughtered animal as a substitute for the offerer’s; to give a costly possession as a sign of fealty or in the hope of receiving still more generous compensation from the deity. Kugel reported that more recent explanations saw the sacrifice as establishing a tangible connection between the sacrificer and the deity, while others stress the connection of the sacred with violence or see the function of religion as defusing violence that would otherwise be directed at people. Kugel argued that the Israelites conceived of animal sacrifices as the principal channel of communication between the people and God.[95] Professor William Hallo, formerly of Yale University, described sacrifice as a sacred-making of the human consumption of animal meat that followed.[96]

Professor Jacob Milgrom, formerly of the University of California, Berkeley, read the sacrificial system in the parashah to describe the forces of life and death pitted against each other in a cosmic struggle, set loose by people through their obedience to or defiance of God's commandments.[97] Milgrom taught that Leviticus treats impurity as the opposite of holiness, identifying impurity with death and holiness with life.[98] Milgrom interpreted Leviticus to teach that people could drive God out of the sanctuary by polluting it with their moral and ritual sins. But the priests could periodically purge the sanctuary of its impurities and influence the people to atone.[99] The blood of the purification offerings symbolically purged the sanctuary by symbolically absorbing its impurities, in a victory for life over death.[98]

◄SACRIFICE◄
◄sanctify◄ ◄cleanse◄
HOLY CLEAN UNCLEAN
►profane► ►pollute►
►SIN and INFIRMITY►

Similarly, Gordon Wenham of Trinity College, Bristol, noted that the sacrificial system regularly associates sacrifices with cleansing and sanctification.[100] Wenham read Leviticus to teach that sacrificial blood was necessary to cleanse and sanctify. Sacrifice could undo the effects of sin and human infirmity. Sin and disease profaned the holy and polluted the clean, whereas sacrifice could reverse this process. Wenham illustrated with the chart at right. Wenham concluded that contact between the holy and the unclean resulted in death. Sacrifice, by cleansing the unclean, made such contact possible. Sacrifice thus allowed the holy God to meet with sinful man.[101]

The 20th century British anthropologist Mary Douglas wrote that to find the underlying logic of the first chapters of Leviticus about how to make a sacrifice and how to lay out the animal sections on the altar, one needs to look carefully at what Leviticus says about bodies and parts of bodies, what is inner and outer, and what is on top and underneath.[102] Douglas suggested this alignment of the three levels of Mount Sinai, the animal sacrifice, and the Tabernacle:[103]

Mount Sinai Animal Offering Tabernacle
Summit or head, cloud like smoke (Exodus 19:18); God came down to top; access for Moses (Exodus 19:20–22). Entrails, intestines, genital organs (washed) at the summit of the pile. Holy of Holies, cherubim, Ark, and Testimony of Covenant.
Perimeter of dense cloud; access restricted to Aaron, two sons, and 70 elders (Exodus 24:1–9). Midriff area, dense fat covering, kidneys, liver lobe, burnt on altar. Sanctuary, dense clouds of incense, symmetrical table and lampstand, restricted to priests.
Lower slopes, open access. Head and meat sections, access to body, food for people and priest. Outer court, main altar, access for people.
Mountain consecrated (Exodus 19:23). Animal consecrated (Leviticus 1–7). Tabernacle consecrated (Leviticus 16).

Douglas argued that the tabernacle ran horizontally toward the most sacred area, Mount Sinai went up vertically to the summit, and the sacrificial pile started with the head underneath and went up to the entrails, and one can interpret each by reference to the others. Douglas noted that in mystical thought, “upper” and “inner” can be equivalent. The pattern is always there throughout creation, with God in the depths or on the heights of everything.[104] Likening the tabernacle to a body, the innards corresponded to the Holy of Holies, for the Bible locates the emotions and thought in the innermost parts of the body; the loins are wrung with remorse or grief; God scrutinizes the innermost part; compassion resides in the bowels. The Tabernacle was associated with creation, and creation with fertility, implying that the innermost part of the Tabernacle was a Divine nuptial chamber, depicting the union between God and Israel.[105] Douglas concluded that the summit of the mountain was the abode of God, below was the cloudy region that only Moses could enter, and the lower slopes were where the priests and congregation waited, and analogously, the order of placing the parts of the animal on the altar marked out three zones on the carcass, the suet set around and below the diaphragm corresponding to the cloud girdling the middle of the mountain.[106]

The 20th century Reform Rabbi Bernard Bamberger noted that while the Rabbis introduced into the synagogue a number of practices formerly associated with the Temple, they made no provision for "interim” sacrifices, even though they could have found precedents for sacrifice outside Jerusalem. When the Roman Empire destroyed the Jerusalem Temple, the Rabbis did not choose to follow those precedents for sacrifice elsewhere, but instead set up a substitute, declaring the study of the sacrificial laws as acceptable to God as sacrifices. Bamberger suggested that some scholars may have felt that the day of sacrifice had passed.[107]

Leviticus chapter 1

Milgrom noted that Leviticus 1–5, like most of Leviticus, is addressed to all the Israelite people, while only a few laws, in Leviticus 6:1–7:21; 10:8–15; and 16:2–28, are reserved for the Priests alone.[108]

Milgrom taught that the burnt offering in Leviticus 1 was intended for the person who wanted to present to God a sacrificial animal in its entirety either as an expression of loyalty or as a request for expiation.[109]

Leviticus chapter 2

Milgrom believed that the cereal offering, whose description follows in Leviticus 2, was probably intended for the same purposes as the burnt offering, on behalf of the poor who could not afford entire animal offerings.[110] Milgrom saw in the sacrificial texts a leitmotif of concern for the poor: Everyone, regardless of means, was able to bring an acceptable offering to God. Thus Leviticus 1:14–17 added birds to the roster of burnt offerings, and Leviticus 2 on the cereal offering appears immediately after Leviticus 1 on the burnt offering, implying that if a person could not afford birds, then the person could bring a cereal offering instead.[111]

Leviticus chapter 3

Milgrom taught that in the original Priestly source ("P"), an offerer brought the well-being offering in Leviticus 3 solely out of joyous motivations like thanksgiving, vow fulfillment, or spontaneous free will.[112] The offerer shared the meat of the offering with family and friends.[113] Milgrom reasoned that the advent of the Holiness Code ("H") brought another dimension to the sacrifice of the well-being connected with the prohibition of consuming blood. H's ban on nonsacrificial slaughter meant that all meat eaten as food had initially to be sanctified on the altar as a well-being offering.[114]

Leviticus chapter 4

Milgrom taught that the rationale for the sin or purification offering in Leviticus 4:1–5:13 was related to the impurity generated by violations of prohibitive commandments, which, if severe enough, polluted the sanctuary from afar. Milgrom called this pollution the Priestly Picture of Dorian Gray: While sin might not scar the face of the sinner, it did scar the face of the sanctuary. This image illustrated a Priestly version of the doctrine of collective responsibility: When evildoers were punished, they brought the more righteous down with them. Those who perished with the wicked were not entirely blameless, but inadvertent sinners who, by having allowed the wicked to flourish, also contributed to pollution of the sanctuary. The High Priest and the leaders of the people, in particular, brought special sacrifices in Leviticus 4:9 and 23, for their errors caused harm to their people, as reflected in Leviticus 4:3 and 10:6. Thus, in the Priestly scheme, brazen sins (the leaders' rapacity) and inadvertent sins (the silent majority's acquiescence) polluted the sanctuary (and corrupted society), driving God out of the sanctuary and leading to national destruction. In the theology of the purification offering, the sanctuary needed constant purification lest God abandon it because of the people's rebellious and inadvertent sins.[115]

Leviticus chapter 5

Milgrom taught that the guilt or reparation offering in Leviticus 5:14–26 might seem at first glance to be restricted to offenses against God's sanctum or name, but reflected wider theological implications. The Hebrew noun אָשָׁם, asham, "reparation, reparation offering," is related to the Hebrew verb אָשֵׁם, asheim, "feel guilt," which predominates in this offering in Leviticus 5:17, 23, and 26, and in the purification offering, as well, in Leviticus 4:13, 22, and 27; and 5:4–5. Milgrom inferred from this relationship that expiation by sacrifice depended on both the worshiper's remorse and the reparation that the worshiper brought to both God and people to rectify the wrong. Milgrom noted that if a person falsely denied under oath having defrauded another, subsequently felt guilt, and restored the embezzled property and paid a 20 percent fine, the person was then eligible to request of God that a reparation offering expiate the false oath, as reflected in Leviticus 5:20–26. Milgrom saw here Priestly lawmakers in action, bending the sacrificial rules to foster the growth of individual conscience, permitting sacrificial expiation for a deliberate crime against God (knowingly taking a false oath) provided that the person repented before being apprehended. Thus Leviticus 5:20–26 ordains that repentance converted an intentional sin into an unintentional one, making it eligible for sacrificial expiation.[115]

Milgrom concluded that the sin or purification offering taught the "ecology of morality," that the sins of the individual adversely affect society even when committed inadvertently, and the guilt or reparation offering fostered a doctrine of repentance. Milgrom noted that Leviticus 4:1–5:13 did not prescribe the sin or purification offering just for cultic violations but in Leviticus 4:2 extended the meaning of the term "communal" to embrace the broader area of ethical violations. And Milgrom saw in the discussion of the guilt or reparation offering in Leviticus 5:24b–25 that in matters of expiation, one had to rectify one's relationship with other people before seeking to rectify one's relationship with God.[111]

Commandments

According to Sefer ha-Chinuch, there are 11 positive and 5 negative commandments in the parashah:[116]

In the liturgy

The list of animals from which the Israelites could bring sacrifices in Leviticus 1:2 provides an application of the fourth of the Thirteen Rules for interpreting the Torah in the Baraita of Rabbi Ishmael that many Jews read as part of the readings before the Pesukei d'Zimrah prayer service. The rule provides that when the general precedes the specific, the law applies only to the specific. Leviticus 1:2 says, "you shall bring your offering from the domestic animals, even from the herd or from the flock." Applying the fourth rule teaches that Israelites could bring sacrifices from no domestic animals other than cattle from the herd or sheep or goats from the flock.[131]

During the Torah reading, the gabbai calls for the Kohen to "approach" (קרב, k'rav) to perform the first aliah, or blessing on the Torah reading, recalling the use of the word "approach" (קרב, k'rav) in Leviticus 1:5 to describe the priest's duty to perform the sacrificial service.[132]

Many Jews read excerpts from and allusions to the instructions in the parashah as part of the readings on the offerings after the Sabbath morning blessings. Specifically, Jews read the instructions for the priest's sacrifices in Leviticus 1:11,[133] the prohibition on leavening or honey in the incense in Leviticus 2:11,[134] a discussion of the bulls that are completely burned, in reference to the instructions in Leviticus 4:8–12,[135] and a discussion of the guilt offerings referred to in Leviticus 5:14–26.[136]

The Weekly Maqam

In the Weekly Maqam, Sephardi Jews each week base the songs of the services on the content of that week's parashah. For parashah Vayikra, Sephardi Jews apply Maqam Rast, the maqam that shows a beginning or an initiation of something. In this case, it is appropriate because Jews are initiating the book of Leviticus.

Isaiah (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

Haftarah

Generally

The haftarah for the parashah is Isaiah 43:21–44:23.

Summary

God formed the people of Israel that they might praise God, but they did not call upon God, nor did they bring God their burnt-offerings, meal-offerings, frankincense, or the fat of their sacrifices.[137] Rather, they burdened God with their sins.[138] God blots out their transgressions for God's own sake.[139] Their first father sinned, and their intercessors transgressed, and so God abandoned the sanctuary and the Israelites to condemnation.[140]

And yet God told the people of Israel not to fear, for God would pour water upon the thirsty land, and God's blessing upon their offspring, and they would spring up like grass.[141] And they would call themselves the Lord's, by the name of Jacob, and by the name of Israel.[142]

God declared that God is the first and the last, and beside God there is no God, no One Who can proclaim what the future will be, no other Rock.[143] Those who fashion graven images shall not profit; they shall be shamed together.[144] The smith makes an ax, and the carpenter forms the figure of a man.[145] He hews down cedars and oaks, and uses the same wood for fuel to warm himself and to make a god to worship.[146] They do not know nor understand that they strive after ashes.[147]

God called on the people of Israel to remember these things, and not forget God who formed them and blotted out their sins.[148] God called on the heaven and earth, mountain and forest to sing, for God had redeemed Israel for God's glory.[149]

Connection to the Parashah

Both the parashah and the haftarah address sacrifices to God. Both the parashah and the haftarah address burnt offerings ('olah),[150] meal offerings (minchah),[151] frankincense (levonah),[152] and witnesses (ed or eday).[153]

On Shabbat Rosh Chodesh

When the parashah coincides with Shabbat Rosh Chodesh (as it does in 2015 and 2018), the haftarah is Isaiah 66:1–24.

The Death of Agag (illustration by Gustave Doré)

On Shabbat Zachor

When the parashah coincides with Shabbat Zachor (the special Sabbath immediately preceding Purim — as it does in 2016), the haftarah is:

Connection to the Special Sabbath

On Shabbat Zachor, the Sabbath just before Purim, Jews read Deuteronomy 25:17–19, which instructs Jews: "Remember (zachor) what Amalek did" in attacking the Israelites.[154] The haftarah for Shabbat Zachor, 1 Samuel 15:2–34 or 1–34, describes Saul's encounter with Amalek and Saul's and Samuel's tretament of the Amalekite king Agag. Purim, in turn, commemorates the story of Esther and the Jewish people's victory over Haman's plan to kill the Jews, told in the book of Esther.[155] Esther 3:1 identifies Haman as an Agagite, and thus a descendant of Amalek. Numbers 24:7 identifies the Agagites with the Amalekites. Alternatively, a Midrash tells the story that between King Agag's capture by Saul and his killing by Samuel, Agag fathered a child, from whom Haman in turn descended.[156]

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ "Torah Stats — VaYikra". Akhlah Inc. Retrieved July 7, 2013.
  2. ↑ See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Vayikra/Leviticus. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 2–29. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2008. ISBN 1-4226-0206-0.
  3. ↑ Leviticus 1:1.
  4. ↑ Leviticus 1:3–13.
  5. ↑ Leviticus 1:14–17.
  6. ↑ Leviticus 2:1–6.
  7. ↑ Leviticus 2:7–10.
  8. ↑ Leviticus 2:11–13.
  9. ↑ Leviticus 2:14.
  10. ↑ Leviticus 3:1–16.
  11. ↑ Leviticus 4:1–21.
  12. ↑ Leviticus 4:22–26.
  13. ↑ Leviticus 4:27–31.
  14. ↑ Leviticus 5:1–4.
  15. ↑ Leviticus 5:5–10.
  16. ↑ Leviticus 5:11–13.
  17. ↑ Leviticus 5:14–15.
  18. 1 2 Leviticus 5:16.
  19. ↑ Leviticus 5:20–22.
  20. ↑ Leviticus 5:22–26.
  21. ↑ See, e.g., "A Complete Triennial Cycle for Reading the Torah" (PDF). The Jewish Theological Seminary. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  22. ↑ For more on inner-Biblical interpretation, see, e.g., Benjamin D. Sommer. “Inner-biblical Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1835–41. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. ISBN 978-0-19-997846-5.
  23. ↑ Psalm 50:9–11.
  24. ↑ Psalm 50:12–13.
  25. ↑ Psalm 50:14–15.
  26. ↑ Psalm 107:22.
  27. ↑ Psalm 107:4–9.
  28. ↑ Psalm 107:10–16.
  29. ↑ Psalm 107:17–22.
  30. ↑ Psalm 107:23–32.
  31. ↑ See Exodus 5:3 (וְנִזְבְּחָה, venizbechah); 5:8 (נִזְבְּחָה, nizbechah); 5:17 (נִזְבְּחָה, nizbechah); 8:4 (וְיִזְבְּחוּ, veyizbechu); 8:22 (נִזְבַּח, nizbach (twice)); 8:23 (וְזָבַחְנוּ, vezavachnu); 8:24 (וּזְבַחְתֶּם, uzvachtem); 8:25 (לִזְבֹּחַ, lizboach); 10:25 (זְבָחִים, zevachim); 12:27 (זֶבַח, zevach); 13:15 (זֹבֵחַ, zoveiach).
  32. ↑ See Genesis 12:8; 13:3–4; 26:25. See also Exodus 17:15, in which Moses built an altar in thanksgiving.
  33. ↑ See Anson Rainey. "Sacrifice." In Encyclopaedia Judaica, volume 14, pages 599, 606. Jerusalem: Keter Publishing House, 1972. LCCN 72-90254.
  34. ↑ See, e.g., Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:5–12. Land of Israel, circa 200 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 524–26. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. ISBN 0-300-05022-4. Tosefta Bava Kamma 9:19, 10:1–5, 17–18. Land of Israel, circa 300 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1005, 1008–10, 1013–14. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2002. ISBN 1-56563-642-2. Babylonian Talmud 103a–11a. Babylonia, 6th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman and Mendy Wachsman; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 40, pages 103a3–111a4. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2001. ISBN 1-57819-636-1.
  35. ↑ For more on classical rabbinic interpretation, see, e.g., Yaakov Elman. “Classical Rabbinic Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1859–78.
  36. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 7:3. Land of Israel, 5th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, page 95. London: Soncino Press, 1939. ISBN 0-900689-38-2.
  37. ↑ See Exodus 38:22; 39:1, 5, 7, 21, 26, 29, 31, 32, 42, and 43; and 40:16, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, and 32.
  38. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 1:7. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, page 11.
  39. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 1:8. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, pages 11–12.
  40. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 7:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, page 93.
  41. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 7:2. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4.
  42. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 7:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, page 94–95.
  43. ↑ Avot of Rabbi Natan, chapter 4. Circa 700–900 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan. Translated by Judah Goldin, page 32. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1955. ISBN 0-300-00497-4. And reprinted in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan: An Analytical Translation and Explanation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 37. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986. ISBN 1-55540-073-6.
  44. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Megillah 31b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz and Hersh Goldwurm; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 20, page 31b1–2. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991. ISBN 1-57819-620-5. See also Babylonian Talmud Taanit 27b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Mordechai Kuber and Michoel Weiner; edited by Hersh Goldwurm, volume 19, page 27b1. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991. ISBN 1-57819-619-1.
  45. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 17a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 1, page 17a2. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1997. ISBN 1-57819-600-0.
  46. ↑ Midrash Samuel 1:7. 650–900 CE. Quoted in Bernard J. Bamberger. “Leviticus.” In The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Edited by W. Gunther Plaut; revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, page 677. New York: Union for Reform Judaism, 2006. ISBN 0-8074-0883-2.
  47. ↑ Avot of Rabbi Natan, chapter 4. Reprinted in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan. Translated by Judah Goldin, page 34.
  48. ↑ Genesis Rabbah 52:5. Land of Israel, 5th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Genesis. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 1, pages 453–54. London: Soncino Press, 1939. ISBN 0-900689-38-2.
  49. ↑ Sifra 1:1. Land of Israel, 4th century CE. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 67. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988. ISBN 1-55540-205-4.
  50. ↑ Sifra 2:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 71.
  51. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 1:1, 4. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4.
  52. ↑ Sifra 2:2. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 73.
  53. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 1:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4.
  54. ↑ Sifra 3:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 78.
  55. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Rosh HaShanah 33a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Israel Schneider, Moshe Zev Einhorn, and Eliezer Herzka; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 18, page 33a1. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1999. ISBN 1-57819-617-5. See also Babylonian Talmud Chagigah 16b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Dovid Kamenetsky, Henoch Levin, Feivel Wahl, Israel Schneider, and Zev Meisels; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 22, page 16b4. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1999. ISBN 1-57819-603-5. Babylonian Talmud Chullin 85a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 63, page 85a1.
  56. ↑ Mishnah Arakhin 5:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 816–17. Babylonian Talmud Arakhin 21a.
  57. ↑ Mishnah Zevachim 1:1–2:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 699–703. Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 2a–31b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Israel Schneider, and Michoel Weiner; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 55, pages 2a1–31b3. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995. ISBN 1-57819-612-4.
  58. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 53b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Moshe Einhorn, Henoch Moshe Levin, Michoel Weiner, Shlomo Fox-Ashrei, and Abba Zvi Naiman; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 56, page 53b2. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995. ISBN 1-57819-614-0.
  59. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Eruvin 63a.
  60. ↑ Mishnah Menachot 13:11. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 765. Babylonian Talmud Menachot 110a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Yosef Davis, Eliezer Herzka, Abba Zvi Naiman, Zev Meisels, Noson Boruch Herzka, and Avrohom Neuberger; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 60, page 110a3. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2003. ISBN 1-57819-606-X. See also Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 5b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Berakhot. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 1, page 29. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2012. ISBN 978-965-301-563-0.
  61. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Menachot 110a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Yosef Davis, Eliezer Herzka, Abba Zvi Naiman, Zev Meisels, Noson Boruch Herzka, and Avrohom Neuberger; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 60, page 110a3–4.
  62. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Menachot 104b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Yosef Davis, Eliezer Herzka, Abba Zvi Naiman, Zev Meisels, Noson Boruch Herzka, and Avrohom Neuberger; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 60, page 104b2.
  63. ↑ Mishnah Berakhot 1:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 3. Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 2a.
  64. ↑ Sifra 1:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 69.
  65. ↑ Mishnah Zevachim 1:1–14:10. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 699–732. Tosefta Zevachim 1:1–13:20. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1307–69. Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 2a–120b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volumes 55–57. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995–1996.
  66. ↑ Mishnah Kinnim 1:1–3:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 883–89.
  67. ↑ Mishnah Menachot 1:1–13:11. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 732–65. Tosefta Menachot 1:1–13:23. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1407–68. Babylonian Talmud Menachot 2a–110a.
  68. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 4a.
  69. ↑ Sifra 28:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner.
  70. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 99b. Sifra 28:1:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Sifra: An Analytical Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner. Leviticus Rabbah 9:8. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4.
  71. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Yoma 62b.
  72. ↑ Mishnah Zevachim 5:7. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 708. Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 55a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Moshe Einhorn, Henoch Moshe Levin, Michoel Weiner, Shlomo Fox-Ashrei, and Abba Zvi Naiman; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 56, page 55a2.
  73. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 55a.
  74. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 64b.
  75. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 22:10. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4, pages 288–89.
  76. ↑ Mishnah Chullin 7:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 778–79. Babylonian Talmud Chullin 89b.
  77. ↑ Mishnah Parah 8:3. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 1025.
  78. ↑ Mishnah Horayot 1:1–3:8. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 689–95. Tosefta Horayot 1:1–2:13. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1295–303. Jerusalem Talmud Horayot 1a–. Land of Israel, circa 400 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Jerusalem Talmud: A Translation and Commentary. Edited by Jacob Neusner and translated by Jacob Neusner, Tzvee Zahavy, B. Barry Levy, and Edward Goldman. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2009. ISBN 978-1-59856-528-7. Babylonian Talmud Horayot 2a–14a.
  79. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Yoma 36b.
  80. ↑ See Leviticus 18:6.
  81. ↑ Mishnah Keritot 1:1–2. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 836–37. Babylonian Talmud Keritot 2a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Eliahu Shulman, Dovid Arye Kaufman, Dovid Nachfolger, Menachem Goldberger, Michoel Weiner, Mendy Wachsman, Abba Zvi Naiman, and Zev Meisels; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 69, pages 2a1–5. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2004. ISBN 1-57819-656-6.
  82. ↑ Leviticus 5:1, 2, 4, 15, 17, and 21.
  83. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 4:2. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4.
  84. ↑ Mishnah Nedarim 1:1–11:11. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 406–30. Tosefta Nedarim 1:1–7:8. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, pages 785–805. Jerusalem Talmud Nedarim 1a–. Reprinted in, e.g., The Jerusalem Talmud: A Translation and Commentary. Edited by Jacob Neusner and translated by Jacob Neusner, Tzvee Zahavy, B. Barry Levy, and Edward Goldman. Babylonian Talmud Nedarim 2a–91b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volumes 29–30. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2000. Mishnah Shevuot 1:1–8:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 620–39. Tosefta Shevuot 1:1–6:7. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1219–44. Jerusalem Talmud Shevuot 1a–. Reprinted in, e.g., The Jerusalem Talmud: A Translation and Commentary. Edited by Jacob Neusner and translated by Jacob Neusner, Tzvee Zahavy, B. Barry Levy, and Edward Goldman. Babylonian Talmud Shevuot 2a–49b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Michoel Weiner and Mordechai Kuber; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr, volume 51. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1994. ISBN 1-57819-607-8.
  85. ↑ Mishnah Sanhedrin 4:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 591–92.
  86. ↑ Mishnah Zevachim 10:4. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 722. Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 89a.
  87. ↑ Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 90a.
  88. ↑ Leviticus Rabbah 3:2. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Leviticus. Translated by Harry Freedman and Maurice Simon, volume 4.
  89. ↑ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:5–12. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 524–26. Tosefta Bava Kamma 9:19, 10:1–5, 17–18. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1005, 1008–10, 1013–14. Babylonian Talmud 103a–11a.
  90. ↑ Mishnah Bava Kamma 9:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 524. Babylonian Talmud 103a–b.
  91. ↑ For more on medieval Jewish interpretation, see, e.g., Barry D. Walfish. “Medieval Jewish Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1891–1915.
  92. ↑ Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, part 3, chapter 46. Cairo, Egypt, 1190. Reprinted in, e.g., Moses Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed. Translated by Michael Friedländer, page 359. New York: Dover Publications, 1956. ISBN 0-486-20351-4.
  93. ↑ Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, part 3, chapter 32. Reprinted in, e.g., Moses Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed. Translated by Michael Friedländer, pages 322–27.
  94. ↑ Nachmanides. Commentary on the Torah. Jerusalem, circa 1270. Reprinted in, e.g., Ramban (Nachmanides): Commentary on the Torah. Translated by Charles B. Chavel, pages 19–21. New York: Shilo Publishing House, 1971. ISBN 0-88328-006-X.
  95. ↑ James L. Kugel. How To Read the Bible: A Guide to Scripture, Then and Now, pages 286–87. New York: Free Press, 2007. ISBN 0-7432-3586-X.
  96. ↑ William W. Hallo. “Leviticus and Ancient Near Eastern Literature.” In The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Edited by W. Gunther Plaut; revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, page 652.
  97. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 13. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2004. ISBN 0-8006-9514-3.
  98. 1 2 Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 12.
  99. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 9.
  100. ↑ Gordon J. Wenham. The Book of Leviticus, page 26. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1979. ISBN 0-8028-2522-2. (citing Exodus 29:36–37 and Leviticus 4–5; 8:11–15, 23–30; 14:6–32; and 16:19.)
  101. ↑ Gordon J. Wenham. The Book of Leviticus, page 26.
  102. ↑ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 69. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. ISBN 0-19-924419-7.
  103. ↑ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 79.
  104. ↑ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, pages 79–80.
  105. ↑ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 80.
  106. ↑ Mary Douglas. Leviticus as Literature, page 86.
  107. ↑ Bernard J. Bamberger. “Leviticus.” In The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Edited by W. Gunther Plaut; revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, pages 676–77.
  108. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus 1–16, volume 3, page 1. New York: Anchor Bible, 1991. ISBN 0-385-11434-6.
  109. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing Leviticus 1:4).
  110. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14.
  111. 1 2 Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 16.
  112. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing Leviticus 7:11–17).
  113. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing 1 Samuel 1:4 and 1 Samuel 9:21–24).
  114. ↑ Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 14. (citing Leviticus 17:3–7).
  115. 1 2 Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus: A Continental Commentary, page 15.
  116. ↑ See Sefer HaHinnuch: The Book of [Mitzvah] Education. Translated by Charles Wengrov, volume 2, pages 3–73. Jerusalem: Feldheim Publishers, 1984. ISBN 0-87306-296-5.
  117. ↑ Leviticus 1:3.
  118. ↑ Leviticus 2:1.
  119. ↑ Leviticus 2:11.
  120. 1 2 Leviticus 2:13.
  121. ↑ Leviticus 4:13.
  122. ↑ Leviticus 4:27.
  123. ↑ Leviticus 5:1.
  124. ↑ Leviticus 5:7-11.
  125. ↑ Leviticus 5:8.
  126. ↑ Leviticus 5:11.
  127. ↑ Num. 5:15.
  128. ↑ Leviticus 5:17-18.
  129. ↑ Leviticus 5:23.
  130. ↑ Leviticus 5:25.
  131. ↑ The Schottenstein Edition Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals with an Interlinear Translation. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 244. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2002. ISBN 1-57819-697-3.
  132. ↑ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 368.
  133. ↑ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 221–22.
  134. ↑ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 228.
  135. ↑ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 236.
  136. ↑ Siddur for the Sabbath and Festivals. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 239.
  137. ↑ Isaiah 43:21–24.
  138. ↑ Isaiah 43:24.
  139. ↑ Isaiah 43:25.
  140. ↑ Isaiah 43:27–28.
  141. ↑ Isaiah 44:1–4.
  142. ↑ Isaiah 44:5.
  143. ↑ Isaiah 44:6–8.
  144. ↑ Isaiah 44:7–11.
  145. ↑ Isaiah 44:12–13.
  146. ↑ Isaiah 44:14–17.
  147. ↑ Isaiah 44:18–20.
  148. ↑ Isaiah 44:21–22.
  149. ↑ Isaiah 44:23.
  150. ↑ Leviticus 1:3–4, 6, 9–10 13–14, 17; 3:5; 4:7, 10, 18, 24–25, 29–30, 33–34; 5:7, 10; Isaiah 43:23.
  151. ↑ Leviticus 2:3, 5–11, 13–15; 5:13; Isaiah 43:23.
  152. ↑ Leviticus 2:1-2, 15–16; 5:11; Isaiah 43:23.
  153. ↑ Leviticus 5:1; Isaiah 44:8.
  154. ↑ Deuteronomy 25:17.
  155. ↑ Esther 1:1–10:3.
  156. ↑ Seder Eliyahu Rabbah ch. 20; Targum Sheni to Esther 4:13.

Further reading

The parashah has parallels or is discussed in these classical sources:

Biblical

Philo

Early nonrabbinic

Josephus

Classical rabbinic

Talmud
Rashi

Medieval

The Zohar
Abrabanel

Modern

Hobbes
Luzzatto

External links

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