Antoninus Pius

Antoninus Fulvus Pius
Bust of Antoninus Pius, at Glyptothek, Munich.
15th Emperor of the Roman Empire
Reign	11 July 138 – 7 March 161
Predecessor	Hadrian, adopted father
Successor	Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, adopted sons
Born	19 September 86 near Lanuvium, Italy
Died	7 March 161 (aged 74) Lorium
Burial	Hadrian's Mausoleum
Spouse	Faustina
Issue	Faustina the Younger, one other daughter and two sons, all died before 138 (natural); Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus (adoptive)
Full name Titus Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus (from birth to adoption by Hadrian); Titus Aelius Caesar Antoninus (from adoption to accession); Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius (as emperor)
Imperial Dynasty	Nerva-Antonine
Father	Titus Aurelius Fulvus (natural); Hadrian (adoptive, from 25 Feb. 138)
Mother	Arria Fadilla

Denarius, struck 140 AD with portrait of Antoninus Pius (obverse) and his adoptive son Marcus Aurelius (reverse).

Roman imperial dynasties
Antonine Dynasty

Antoninus Pius Children    Natural - Faustina the Younger, also one other daughter and two sons, all died before 138    Adoptive - Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus Marcus Aurelius with Lucius Verus Marcus Aurelius alone Children    Natural - 13, including Commodus and Lucilla Commodus

Antoninus Pius (Latin: Titus Fulvus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius;^[1][2] 19 September, 86 AD – 7 March, 161 AD), also known as Antoninus, was Roman Emperor from 138 to 161. He was one of the Five Good Emperors in the Nerva–Antonine dynasty and the Aurelii.^[3]

He acquired the name Pius after his accession to the throne, either because he compelled the Senate to deify his adoptive father Hadrian,^[4] or because he had saved senators sentenced to death by Hadrian in his later years.^[5]

Early life

Childhood and family

He was born as the only child of Titus Aurelius Fulvus, consul in 89^[3] whose family came from Nemausus (modern Nîmes).^[6] Titus Aurelius Fulvius was the son of a senator of the same name, who, as legate of Legio III Gallica, had supported Vespasian in his bid to the Imperial office and been rewarded with a suffect consulship, plus an ordinary one under Domitian in 85. The Aurelii Fulvii were therefore a relatively new senatorial family from Gallia Narbonensis whose rise to prominence was supported by the Flavians.^[7] The link between Antoninus' family and their home province explains the increasing importance of the post of Proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis during the late Second Century.^[8]

Antoninus was born near Lanuvium^[9] and his mother was Arria Fadilla. Antoninus’ father died shortly after his 89 ordinary consulship, his son being raised by his maternal grandfather Gnaeus Arrius Antoninus,^[3] reputed by contemporaries to be a man of integrity and culture and a friend of Pliny the Younger. The Arrii Antoninii were an older senatorial family from Italy, very influential during Nerva's reign. Arria Fadilla, Antoninus'mother, married afterwards Publius Julius Lupus, a man of consular rank, suffect consul in 98, and two daughters, Arria Lupula and Julia Fadilla, were born from that union.^[10]

Marriage and children

Some time between 110 and 115, Antoninus married Annia Galeria Faustina the Elder.^[1] They are believed to have enjoyed a happy marriage. Faustina was the daughter of consul Marcus Annius Verus^[3] and Rupilia Faustina (a half-sister to Roman Empress Vibia Sabina). Faustina was a beautiful woman, well known for her wisdom. She spent her whole life caring for the poor and assisting the most disadvantaged Romans.

Faustina bore Antoninus four children, two sons and two daughters.^[11] They were:

• Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (died before 138); his sepulchral inscription has been found at the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.^[12]
• Marcus Galerius Aurelius Antoninus (died before 138); his sepulchral inscription has been found at the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.^[12] His name appears on a Greek Imperial coin.
• Aurelia Fadilla (died in 135); she married Lucius Lamia Silvanus, consul 145. She appeared to have no children with her husband and her sepulchral inscription has been found in Italy.^[13]
• Annia Galeria Faustina Minor or Faustina the Younger (between 125–130–175), a future Roman Empress, married her maternal cousin, future Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius in 146.^[6]

When Faustina died in 141, Antoninus was greatly distressed.^[14] In honor of her memory, he asked the Senate to deify her as a goddess, and authorised the construction of a temple to be built in the Roman Forum in her name, with priestesses serving in her temple.^[15] He had various coins with her portrait struck in her honor. These coins were scripted ‘DIVA FAUSTINA’ and were elaborately decorated. He further created a charity which he founded and called it Puellae Faustinianae or Girls of Faustina, which assisted destitute girls ^[1] of good family.^[16] Finally, Antoninus created a new alimenta (see Grain supply to the city of Rome).

Favor with Hadrian

Having filled the offices of quaestor and praetor with more than usual success,^[17] he obtained the consulship in 120.^[1] He was next appointed by the Emperor Hadrian as one of the four proconsuls to administer Italia,^[18] then greatly increased his reputation by his conduct as proconsul of Asia, probably during 134–135.^[18]

He acquired much favor with the Emperor Hadrian, who adopted him as his son and successor on 25 February 138,^[19] after the death of his first adopted son Lucius Aelius,^[20] on the condition that Antoninus would in turn adopt Marcus Annius Verus, the son of his wife's brother, and Lucius, son of Lucius Aelius, who afterwards became the emperors Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.^[1]

By this scheme, Verus, who was already Hadrian's adoptive grandson through his natural father, remained Hadrian's adoptive son through his new father. The adoption of Marcus Aurelius was probably a suggestion of Antoninus himself, since the former was the nephew of the latter's wife and would be his favorite son.

Emperor

Antoninus Pius

The Roman Empire during the reign of Antoninus Pius.

Another version of the standardised imperial portrait; from the house of Jason Magnus at Cyrene, North Africa (British Museum).

The temple of Antoninus and Faustina in the Roman forum (now the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda). The emperor and his Augusta were deified after their death by Marcus Aurelius.

On his accession, Antoninus' name became "Imperator Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pontifex Maximus". One of his first acts as Emperor was to persuade the Senate to grant divine honours to Hadrian, which they had at first refused;^[21] his efforts to persuade the Senate to grant these honours is the most likely reason given for his title of Pius (dutiful in affection; compare pietas).^[22] Two other reasons for this title are that he would support his aged father-in-law with his hand at Senate meetings, and that he had saved those men that Hadrian, during his period of ill-health, had condemned to death.^[6]

Immediately after Hadrian's death, Antoninus approached Marcus and requested that his marriage arrangements be amended: Marcus' betrothal to Ceionia Fabia would be annulled, and he would be betrothed to Faustina, Antoninus' daughter, instead. Faustina's betrothal to Ceionia's brother Lucius Commodus would also have to be annulled. Marcus consented to Antoninus' proposal.^[23]

Antoninus built temples, theaters, and mausoleums, promoted the arts and sciences, and bestowed honours and financial rewards upon the teachers of rhetoric and philosophy.^[1] Antoninus made few initial changes when he became emperor, leaving intact as far as possible the arrangements instituted by Hadrian.^[21] Epigraphical and prosopographical research has revealed that Antoninus' imperial ruling team centered around a group of closely knit senatorial families, most of them members of the priestly congregation for the cult of Hadrian, the sodales Hadrianales. According to the German historian H.G. Pflaum, prosopographical research of Antoninus' ruling team allows us to grasp the deeply conservative character of the ruling senatorial caste^[24]

A non-military reign

There are no records of any military related acts in his time in which he participated. One modern scholar has written "It is almost certain not only that at no time in his life did he ever see, let alone command, a Roman army, but that, throughout the twenty-three years of his reign, he never went within five hundred miles of a legion".^[25]

His reign was the most peaceful in the entire history of the Principate;^[26] notwithstanding the fact that there were several military disturbances throughout the Empire in his time. Such disturbances happened in Mauretania - where a senator was named as governor of Mauretania Tingitana in place of the usual equestrian procurator^[27] and cavalry reinforcements from Panonnia were brought in,^[28] towns such as Sala and Tipasa being fortified.^[29] Similar disturbances took place in Iudaea, and amongst the Brigantes in Britannia, none of them being considered serious.^[26] It was however in Britain that Antoninus decided to follow a new, more aggressive path, with the appointment of a new governor in 139, Quintus Lollius Urbicus^[21] a native of Numidia and previously governor of Germania Inferior.^[30]

Under instructions from the emperor, Lollius undertook an invasion of southern Scotland, winning some significant victories, and constructing the Antonine Wall^[31] from the Firth of Forth to the Firth of Clyde. The wall, however, was soon gradually decommissioned during the mid-150s and eventually abandoned late during the reign (early 160s), for reasons that are still not quite clear.^[32][33] Antonine's Wall is mentioned in just one literary source, Antoninus' biography in the Historia Augusta. Pausanias makes a brief and confused mention of a war in Britain. In one inscription honoring Antoninus, erected by Legio II Augusta, which participated in the building of the Wall, a relief showing four naked prisoners, one of them beheaded, seems to stand for some actual warfare.^[34]

Although Antonine's Wall was, in principle, much shorter and outwardly more defensible than Hadrian's Wall, the area included by it into the empire was barren, therefore straining supply lines and not worthy holding to on a cost benefit analysis.^[35] It has been therefore speculated that the invasion of Lowland Scotland and the building of the wall had to do mostly with internal politics, that is, offering Antoninus an opportunity to gain some modicum of necessary military prestige at the start of his reign. Actually, the campaign in Britannia was followed by an Imperial salutation - that is, by Antoninus formally taking for the second (and last) time the title of Imperator - in 142.^[36] The fact that around the same time coins were struck announcing a victory in Britain points to Antoninus' need to publicize his achievements.^[37] The orator Fronto was later to say that, although Antoninus bestowed the direction of the British campaign to others, he should be regarded as the helmsman who directed the voyage, whose glory, therefore, belonged to him.^[38]

That this quest for some military achievement responded to an actual need, is proved by the fact that, although generally peaceful, Antoninus' reign was not free from attempts of usurpation: Historia Augusta mentions two, made by senators Cornelius Priscianus (by the way, Lollius Urbicus' successor as governor of Britain) and Atilius Rufius Titianus - both confirmed by the Fasti Ostienses as well as by the erasing of Priscianus' name on an inscription ^[39] In both cases, Antoninus was not in formal charge of the ensuing repression: Priscianus committed suicide and Titianus was found guilty by the Senate, with Antoninus abstaining from sequestering their families' properties^[40]

There were also some troubles in Dacia Inferior which required the granting of additional powers to the procurator governor and the dispatchment of additional soldiers to the province.^[32] On the Northern Black Sea coast, the Greek city of Olbia was held against the Scythians.^[41] Also during his reign the governor of Upper Germany, probably Caius Popillius Carus Pedo, built new fortifications in the Agri Decumates, advancing the Limes Germanicus fifteen miles forward in his province and neighboring Raetia.^[42] In the East, Roman suzerainity over Armenia was retained by the 140 choosing of Arsacid scion Sohaemus as client king.^[43]

Nevertheless, Antoninus was virtually unique among emperors in that he dealt with these crises without leaving Italy once during his reign,^[44] but instead dealt with provincial matters of war and peace through their governors or through imperial letters to the cities such as Ephesus (of which some were publicly displayed). This style of government was highly praised by his contemporaries and by later generations.^[45]

Economy and Administration

Antoninus was regarded as a skilled administrator and as a builder. In spite of an extensive building directive - the free access of the people of Rome to drinking water was expanded with the construction of aqueducts, not only in Rome but throughout the Empire, as well as bridges and roads -, the Emperor still managed to leave behind a sizable public treasure, of around two and a half million sesterzi.

The Emperor also famously suspended the collection of taxes from cities affected by natural disasters, such as when fires struck Rome and Narbona, and earthquakes affected Rhodes and the Province of Asia. He offered hefty financial grants for rebuilding and recovery of various Greek cities after two serious earthquakes: the first, circa 140, which affected mostly Rhodes and other islands; the second, in 152, which hit Cyzicus - where the huge and newly built Temple to Hadrian was destroyed^[46] - Ephesus and Smyrna. Antoninus' financial help earned him praise by Greek writers such as Aelius Aristides and Pausanias.^[47] These cities received from Antoninus the usual honorific accolades, such as when he commended that all governors of Asia should enter the province, when taking office, by way of Ephesus.^[48] Ephesus was specially favoured by Antoninus, who confirmed and upheld its first place in the list of imperial honor titles, as opposed to Smyrna and Pergamon.^[49]

In his dealings with Greek-speaking cities, Antoninus followed the policy adopted by Hadrian of ingratiating himself with local elites, specially with local intellectuals: philosophers, teachers of literature, rhetoricians and physicians were explicitly exempted from any duties envolving private spending for civic purposes - a privilege granted by Hadrian that Antoninus confirmed by means of an edict preserved in the Digest (27.1.6.8).^[50] Antoninus also created a chair for the teaching of rhetoric in Athens.^[51]

Antoninus was known as an avid observer of rites of religion and of formal celebrations - both Roman and foreign. He is known for having increasingly formalized the official cult offered to the Great Mother, which from his reign onwards included a bull sacrifice, a taurobolium, formerly only a private ritual, now being also performed for the sake of the Emperor's welfare.^[52] Antoninus also offered patronage to the worship of Mithra, to whom he erected a temple in Ostia.^[53] In 148, he presided over the celebrations of the 900th anniversary of the founding of Rome.

Legal reforms

Antoninus tried to portray himself as a magistrate of the res publica, no matter how extended and ill-defined his competences were: therefore the fact that he is credited with the splitting of the imperial treasure, the Fiscus. This splitting had to do with the division of Imperial properties into two parts: firstly, the fiscus itself-or patrimonium, meaning the properties of the "Crown", the hereditary properties of each succeeding person that sat on the throne, transmitted to his successors in office,^[54] regardless of their being members of the imperial family or not;^[55] secondly, the res privata, the "private" properties tied to the personal maintenance of the Emperor and his family.^[56] An anecdote in the Historia Augusta biography, where Antoninus replies to Faustina - who complained about his stingness - that "we have gained an empire [and] lost even what we had before" possibly relates to Antoninus' actual concerns at the creation of the res privata.^[57] While still a private citizen, Antoninus had increased his personal fortune greatly by mean of various legacies, the consequence - we are told - of his caring scrupulously for his relatives.^[58]

The res privata lands could be sold and/or given away, while the patrimonium properties were regarded as public.^[59] It was a way of pretending that the Imperial function - and most properties attached to it - was a public one, formally subject to the authority of the Senate and the Roman people.^[60] That the distinction played no part in subsequent political history - that the personal power of the princeps absorbed his role as office-holder - proves that the autocratic logic of the imperial order had already subsumed the old republican institutions.^[61]

Of the public transactions of this period there is only the scantiest of information, but, to judge by what is extant, those twenty-two years were not remarkably eventful in comparison to those before and after the reign. However, Antoninus did take a great interest in the revision and practice of the law throughout the empire.^[62] One of his chief concerns was to having local communities conform their legal procedures to existing Roman norms: in a case concerning repression of banditry by local police officers ("irenarchs") in Asia Minor, Antoninus ordered that these officers should not treat suspects as already condemned, and also keep a detailed copy of their interrogations,to be used in the possibility of an appeal to the Roman governor.^[63] Also, although Antoninus was not an innovator, he would not always follow the absolute letter of the law; rather he was driven by concerns over humanity and equality, and introduced into Roman law many important new principles based upon this notion.^[62]

In this, the emperor was assisted by five chief lawyers: L. Fulvius Aburnius Valens, an author of legal treatises;^[64] L. Ulpius Marcellus, a prolific writer; and three others .^[62] These last three included L. Volusius Maecianus, a former military officer turned by Antoninus into a civil procurator, and who, in view of his subsequent career (discovered on the basis of epigraphical and prosopographical research) was the Emperor's most important legal adviser.^[65] Maecianus would eventually be chosen to occupy various prefectures (see below) as well as to conduct the legal studies of Marcus Aurelius. He was also the author of a large work on Fidei Commissa (Testamentary Trusts). As a hallmark of the increased connection between jurists and the imperial government,^[66] Antoninus' reign also saw the appearance of the Institutes of Gaius, an elementary legal manual for beginners (see Gaius (jurist)).^[62]

Antoninus passed measures to facilitate the enfranchisement of slaves.^[67] Mostly, he favoured the principle of favor libertatis, giving the putative freedman the benefit of the doubt when the claim to freedom was not clearcut.^[68] Also, he punished the killing of a slave by his/her master without previous trial^[69] and determined that slaves could be forcibly sold to another master by a proconsul in cases of consistent mistreatment.^[70] Antoninus upheld the enforcement of contracts for selling of female slaves forbidding their further employment in prostitution.^[71] In criminal law, Antoninus introduced the important principle that accused persons are not to be treated as guilty before trial^[67]- as in the case of the irenarchs (see above).He also asserted the principle that the trial was to be held, and the punishment inflicted, in the place where the crime had been committed. He mitigated the use of torture in examining slaves by certain limitations. Thus he prohibited the application of torture to children under fourteen years, though this rule had exceptions.^[67] However, it must be stressed that Antoninus extended, by means of a rescript, the use of torture as a means of obtaining evidence to pecuniary cases, when it had been applied up until then only in criminal cases.^[72] Also, already at the time torture of free men of low status (humiliores) had become legal, as proved by the fact that Antoninus exempted town councillors expressly from it, and also free men of high rank (honestiores) in general.^[73]

One highlight during his reign occurred in 148, with the nine-hundredth anniversary of the foundation of Rome being celebrated by the hosting of magnificent games in Rome.^[74] It lasted a number of days, and a host of exotic animals were killed, including elephants, giraffes, tigers, rhinoceroses, crocodiles and hippopotami. While this increased Antoninus’s popularity, the frugal emperor had to debase the Roman currency. He decreased the silver purity of the denarius from 89% to 83.5% — the actual silver weight dropping from 2.88 grams to 2.68 grams.^[32][75]

Scholars place Antoninus Pius as the leading candidate for fulfilling the role as a friend of Rabbi Judah the Prince. According to the Talmud (Avodah Zarah 10a-b), Rabbi Judah was very wealthy and greatly revered in Rome. He had a close friendship with "Antoninus", possibly Antoninus Pius,^[76] who would consult Rabbi Judah on various worldly and spiritual matters.

Death

In 156, Antoninus Pius turned 70. He found it difficult to keep himself upright without stays. He started nibbling on dry bread to give him the strength to stay awake through his morning receptions.Marcus Aurelius had already been created consul with Antoninus in 140, receiving the title of Caesar - i.e., heir apparent.^[77] As Antoninus aged, Marcus would take on more administrative duties, more still after the death -in 156 or 157 - of one of Antoninus' most trusted advisers, Gavius Maximus, who had been praetorian prefect (an office that was as much secretarial as military) for twenty years.^[78] Gavius Maximus, who had been one of the most important members of Antoninus' "team" of long standing advisers, had been awarded with the consular insignia and to the honors due to a senator.^[79] He had left behind himself the reputation of being a most strict disciplinarian (vir severissimus, according to Historia Augusta) as well as some lasting grudges among fellow equestrian procurators- one of them, by predeceasing Gavius and vilifying him in his will, created a serious embarrassment to one of the heirs, the orator Fronto.^[80] Gavius Maximus' death offered the opportunity to a welcome change in the ruling team, and it has been speculated that it was the legal adviser Volusius Maecianus - who, after a brief spell as Praefect of Egypt, took the office of Praefectus annonae in Rome - who assumed the role of grey eminence precisely in order to prepare the incoming - and altogether new - joint succession.^[81] In 160, Marcus and Lucius were designated joint consuls for the following year. Perhaps Antoninus was already ill; in any case, he died before the year was out.^[82]

Two days before his death, the biographer reports, Antoninus was at his ancestral estate at Lorium, in Etruria,^[83] about twelve miles (19 km) from Rome.^[84] He ate Alpine cheese at dinner quite greedily. In the night he vomited; he had a fever the next day. The day after that, 7 March 161,^[85] he summoned the imperial council, and passed the state and his daughter to Marcus. The emperor gave the keynote to his life in the last word that he uttered when the tribune of the night-watch came to ask the password—"aequanimitas" (equanimity).^[86] He then turned over, as if going to sleep, and died.^[87] His death closed out the longest reign since Augustus (surpassing Tiberius by a couple of months).^[88]

Antoninus Pius' funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, "elaborate".^[89] If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been incinerated on a pyre at the Campus Martius, while his spirit would rise to the gods' home in the heavens. However, it seems that this was not the case: according to his Historia Augusta biography (which seems to reproduce an earlier, detailed report) Antoninus' body (and not his ashes) was buried in Hadrian's mausoleum. After a seven-day interval (justitium) Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification.^[90] In contrast to their behavior during Antoninus' campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not oppose the emperors' wishes. A flamen, or cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Antoninus, now Divus Antoninus.

A column was dedicated to Antoninus on the Campus Martius,^[1] and the temple he had built in the Forum in 141 to his deified wife Faustina was rededicated to the deified Faustina and the deified Antoninus.^[86] It survives as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda.^[91]

Historiography

Arch of Antoninus Pius in Sbeïtla, Tunisia.

The only account of his life handed down to us is that of the Augustan History, an unreliable and mostly fabricated work. Nevertheless, it still contains information that is considered reasonably sound – for instance, it is the only source that mentions the erection of the Antonine Wall in Britain.^[92] Antoninus is unique among Roman emperors in that he has no other biographies. Historians have therefore turned to public records for what details we know.

In later scholarship

Antoninus in many ways was the ideal of the landed gentleman praised not only by ancient Romans, but also by later scholars of classical history, such as Edward Gibbon or the author of the article on Antoninus Pius in the ninth edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica:

A few months afterwards, on Hadrian's death, he was enthusiastically welcomed to the throne by the Roman people, who, for once, were not disappointed in their anticipation of a happy reign. For Antoninus came to his new office with simple tastes, kindly disposition, extensive experience, a well-trained intelligence and the sincerest desire for the welfare of his subjects. Instead of plundering to support his prodigality, he emptied his private treasury to assist distressed provinces and cities, and everywhere exercised rigid economy (hence the nickname κυμινοπριστης "cummin-splitter"). Instead of exaggerating into treason whatever was susceptible of unfavorable interpretation, he turned the very conspiracies that were formed against him into opportunities for demonstrating his clemency. Instead of stirring up persecution against the Christians, he extended to them the strong hand of his protection throughout the empire. Rather than give occasion to that oppression which he regarded as inseparable from an emperor's progress through his dominions, he was content to spend all the years of his reign in Rome, or its neighbourhood.

Later historians had a more nuanced view of his reign. According to the historian J. B. Bury,

however estimable the man, Antoninus was hardly a great statesman. The rest which the Empire enjoyed under his auspices had been rendered possible through Hadrian’s activity, and was not due to his own exertions; on the other hand, he carried the policy of peace at any price too far, and so entailed calamities on the state after his death. He not only had no originality or power of initiative, but he had not even the insight or boldness to work further on the new lines marked out by Hadrian.^[93]

Inevitably, the surviving evidence is not complete enough to determine whether one should interpret, with older scholars, that he wisely curtailed the activities of the Roman Empire to a careful minimum, or perhaps that he was uninterested in events away from Rome and Italy and his inaction contributed to the pressing troubles that faced not only Marcus Aurelius but also the emperors of the third century. German historian Ernst Kornemann has had it in his Römische Geschichte [2 vols., ed. by H. Bengtson, Stuttgart 1954] that the reign of Antoninus comprised "a succession of grossly wasted opportunities," given the upheavals that were to come. There is more to this argument, given that the Parthians in the East were themselves soon to make no small amount of mischief after Antoninus' passing. Kornemann's brief is that Antoninus might have waged preventive wars to head off these outsiders.

Descendants

Although only one of his four children survived to adulthood, Antoninus came to be ancestor to generations of prominent Roman statesmen and socialites, including at least one empress consort and as the maternal grandfather of the Emperor Commodus. The family of Antoninus Pius and Faustina the Elder also represents one of the few periods in ancient Roman history where the position of Emperor passed smoothly from father to son. Direct descendants of Antoninus and Faustina were confirmed to exist at least into the fifth century AD.

1. Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (died before 138), died young without issue

2. Marcus Galerius Aurelius Antoninus (died before 138), died young without issue

3. Aurelia Fadilla (died in 135), died without issue

4. Faustina the Younger (16 February between 125 and 130 – 175), had thirteen children

A. Annia Aurelia Galeria Faustina (30 November 147 - after 165), had one child

I. Tiberius Claudius Severus Proculus (c. 163 - 218), had one child

a. Annia Faustina (about 201 – after 222), had two children

i. Pomponia Ummidia (219 - after 275), died without known issue

ii. Pomponius Bassus (220 - after 271), had one child

i. Pomponia Bassa (born c. 250), had one child

i. Septimius Bassus, had one child

i. Septimia (born c. 305), had one child^[94]

i. Lucius Valerius Septimius Bassus (c. 328 - aft. 379 or 383), had one child

i. Valerius Adelphius Bassus (c. 360 – aft. 383), had one child

i. Valerius Adelphius (born c. 385), had one child

i. Adelphia (c. 410 - aft. 459), had possibly one child

i. Anicia Ulfina^[95]

B. Gemellus Lucillae (7 March 148 or 150 - c. 150), died young without issue

C. Lucilla (7 March 148 or 150 - 182), had four children

I. Aurelia Lucilla (born 165), died young without issue

II. Lucilla Plautia (after 165 - 182), died without issue

III. Lucius Verus, died young without issue

IV. Pompeianus (170 – between 212 and 217), died without issue

D. Titus Aelius Antoninus (after 150 - before 7 March 161), died young without issue

E. Titus Aelius Aurelius (after 150 - before 7 March 161), died young without issue

F. Hadrianus (152 - 157), died young without issue

G. Domitia Faustina (after 150 - before 7 March 161), died young without issue

H. Fadilla (159 - after 192), had two children

I. Plautius Quintillus

II. Plautia Servilla

I. Annia Cornificia Faustina Minor (160 - after 211), had one child

I. Petronius Antoninus (after 173 - between 190 and 192), died young without issue

J. Titus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (161 - 165), died young without issue

K. Commodus (31 August 161 – 31 December 192), died without issue

L. Marcus Annius Verus Caesar (after May 162 – 10 September 169), died young without issue

M. Vibia Aurelia Sabina (170 - before 217), died without issue

Nerva–Antonine family tree

Notes

1. Weigel, Antoninus Pius
2. In Classical Latin, Antoninus' name would be inscribed as TITVS AELIVS HADRIANVS ANTONINVS AVGVSTVS PIVS.
3. Bowman, pg. 150
4. Birley, pg. 54; Dio, 70:1:2
5. Birley, pg. 55, citing the Historia Augusta, Life of Hadrian 24.4
6. Bury, pg. 523
7. Hugo Thomas Dupuis Whitfield, "THE RISE OF NEMAUSUS FROM AUGUSTUS TO ANTONINUS PIUS: A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF NEMAUSIAN SENATORS AND EQUESTRIANS".M.A. Thesis, Queen's University, Ontario, 2012, pages 49/57. Available at .Accessed January 24, 2016
8. Michel Gayraud, "Le proconsulat de Narbonnaise sous le Haut-Empire". In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 72, 1970, n°3-4. pp. 344-363.Available at . Accessed January 24, 2016
9. Harvey, Paul B., Religion in republican Italy, Cambridge University Press, 2006, pg. 134; Canduci, pg. 39
10. Birley, pg. 242; Historia Augusta, Life of Antoninus Pius 1:6
11. Birley, pg. 34; Historia Augusta, Life of Antoninus Pius 1:7
12. Magie, David, Historia Augusta (1921), Life of Antoninus Pius, Note 6
13. Magie, David, Historia Augusta (1921), Life of Antoninus Pius, Note 7
14. Bury, pg. 528
15. Birley, pg. 77; Historia Augusta, Life of Antoninus Pius 6:7
16. Fernand Daucé : "Découverte à Rennes d'une pièce de Faustine jeune". In: Annales de Bretagne. Tome 75, numéro 1, 1968. pp. 270-276, page 272 Available at . Retrieved October 23, 2015
17. Traver, Andrew G., From polis to empire, the ancient world, c. 800 B.C.-A.D. 500, (2002) pg. 33; Historia Augusta, Life of Antoninus Pius 2:9
18. Bowman, pg. 149
19. Bowman,pg. 148
20. Bury, pg. 517
21. Bowman, pg. 151
22. Birley, pg. 55; Canduci, pg. 39
23. HA Marcus 6.2; Verus 2.3–4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 53–54.
24. H.G. Pflaum, "Les prêtres du culte impérial sous le règne d'Antonin le Pieux". In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 111ᵉ année, N. 2, 1967. pp. 194-209.Available at . Accessed January 27, 2016
25. J. J. Wilkes, The Journal of Roman Studies, Volume LXXV 1985, ISSN 0075-4358, p. 242.
26. Bury, pg. 525
27. René Rebuffat, '"Enceintes urbaines et insécurité en Maurétanie Tingitane" In: Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome. Antiquité, tome 86, n°1. 1974. pp. 501-522. Available at . Accessed December 26, 2015
28. Michel Christol , "L'armée des provinces pannoniennes et la pacification des révoltes maures sous Antonin le Pieux". In: Antiquités africaines, 17,1981. pp. 133-141.
29. Michael Grant, The Antonines: The Roman Empire in Transition. Abingdon: Routledge, 1996, ISBN 0-415-13814-0 , page 17; Rebuffat "Enceintes urbaines"
30. Salway, A History of Roman Britain. Oxford University Press: 2001, ISBN 0-19-280138-4, page 149
31. Bowman, pg. 152
32. Bowman, pg. 155
33. David Colin Arthur Shotter, Roman Britain, Abingdon: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-31943-9 , page 49
34. Jean-Louis Voisin, "Les Romains, chasseurs de têtes". In: Du châtiment dans la cité. Supplices corporels et peine de mort dans le monde antique. Table ronde de Rome (9-11 novembre 1982) Rome : École Française de Rome, 1984. pp. 241-293.Available at . Accessed January 14, 2016
35. Peter Spring, Great Walls and Linear Barriers. Barnsley: Pen & Sword, 2015, ISBN 978-1-84884-377-6, page 75
36. David J. Breeze, Roman Frontiers in Britain. London: Bloomsbury, 2013, ISBN 978-1-8539-9698-6, page 53
37. Salway, 149
38. Anthony Birley, Marcus Aurelius, London: Routledge, 2012, ISBN 0-415-17125-3 , page 61
39. Albino Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines: A History of the Roman Empire AD 14-192. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-1-138-01920-1 , page 447; Paul Veyne, L'Empire Gréco-Romain ,Paris: Seuil, 2005, ISBN 2-02-057798-4 ,page 28, footnote 61; Salway, 149
40. Marta García Morcillo, Las ventas por subasta en el mundo romano: la esfera privada. Edicions Universitat Barcelona, 2005, ISBN 84-475-3017-5 , page 301
41. Gocha R. Tsetskhladze, ed., North Pontic Archaeology: Recent Discoveries and Studies. Leiden: Brill, 2001, ISBN 90-04-12041-6 ,page 425
42. Birley, pg. 113
43. Rouben Paul Adalian, Historical Dictionary of Armenia, Lanham: Scarecrow, 2010, ISBN 978-0-8108-6096-4 , entry "Arshakuni/Arsacid", page 174
44. Speidel, Michael P., Riding for Caesar: The Roman Emperors' Horse Guards, Harvard University Press, 1997, pg. 50; Canduci, pg. 40
45. See Victor, 15:3
46. Barbara Burrell. Neokoroi: Greek Cities and Roman Emperors. Leiden: Brill, 2004, ISBN 90-04-12578-7, page 87
47. E.E. Bryant, The Reign of Antoninus Pius. Cambridge University Press: 1895, pages 45/46 and 68.
48. Conrad Gempf, ed., The Book of Acts in Its Graeco-Roman Setting. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1994, ISBN 0-85364-564-7 , page 305
49. Emmanuelle Collas-Heddeland, "Le culte impérial dans la compétition des titres sous le Haut-Empire. Une lettre d'Antonin aux Éphésiens". In: Revue des Études Grecques, tome 108, Juillet-décembre 1995. pp. 410-429. Available at . Retrieved January 22, 2016
50. Philip A. Harland, ed., Greco-Roman Associations: Texts, translations and commentaries. II: North Coast of the Black Sea, Asia Minor . Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2014, ISBN 978-3-11-034014-3 , page 381
51. Paul Graindor, "Antonin le Pieux et Athènes". Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, tome 6, fasc. 3-4, 1927. pp. 753-756.Available at . Retrieved January 22, 2016
52. Gary Forsythe, Time in Roman Religion: One Thousand Years of Religious History. London: Routledge, 2012, ISBN 978-0-415-52217-5 , page 92
53. Samuel Dill, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius. Library of Alexandria, s.d.g.
54. Oxford Classical Dictionary, London: 2012, ISBN 978-0-19-954556-8, entry "Patrimonium".
55. After the death of Nero, the personal properties of the Julio-Claudian dynasty had been appropriated by the Flavians, and therefore turned into public properties: Carrié & Roussele, 586
56. Carrié & Rousselle, 586
57. The Cambridge Ancient History Volume 11: The High Empire, AD 70–192. Cambridge U.P., 2009, ISBN 9780521263351, page 150
58. Edward Champlin, Final Judgments: Duty and Emotion in Roman Wills, 200 B.C.-A.D. 250. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991,ISBN 0-520-07103-4, page 98
59. David S. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay. London: Routledge, 2014, ISBN 978-0-415-84054-5 , page 49
60. Heinz Bellen, "Die 'Verstaatlichung' des Privatvermögens der römische Kaiser". Hildegard Temporini, ed., Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1974, ISBN 3-11-004571-0, page 112
61. Aloys Winterling, Politics and Society in Imperial Rome. Malden, MA: John Wiley & sons, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4051-7969-0 , pages 73/75
62. Bury, pg. 526
63. Clifford Ando, Imperial Rome AD 193 to 284: The Critical Century. Edinburgh University Press, 2012,ISBN 978-0-7486-2050-0,page 91
64. John Anthony Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian'. Cambridge U.P.: 1955, page 67
65. A. Arthur Schiller, Roman Law: Mechanisms of Development. The Hague: Mouton, 1978, ISBN 90-279-7744-5 , page 477
66. George Mousourakis, Roman Law and the Origins of the Civil Law Tradition, Heidelberg: Springer, ISBN 978-3-319-12267-0, page 79
67. Bury, pg. 527
68. Keith Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome. Cambridge University Press: 1994, ISBN 9780521263351 , page 162
69. Aubert, Jean-Jacques. "L’esclave en droit romain ou l’impossible réification de l’homme." Esclavage et travail forcé, Cahiers de la Recherche sur les droits fondamentaux (CRDF). Vol. 10. 2012.
70. Anastasia Serghidou, ed. Fear of slaves, fear of enslavement in the ancient Mediterranean. Presses Univ. Franche-Comté, 2007 ISBN 978-2-84867-169-7 , page 159
71. Jean-Michel Carrié & Aline Rousselle, L'Empire Romain en Mutation, des Sévères à Constantin, 192-337. Paris: Seuil 1999, ISBN 2-02-025819-6, page 290
72. Digest , 48.18.9, as quoted by Edward Peters, Torture, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996, ISBN 0-8122-1599-0 , page 29
73. Grant, 154/155.
74. Bowman, pg, 154
75. Tulane University "Roman Currency of the Principate"
76. A. Mischcon, Abodah Zara, p.10a Soncino, 1988. Mischcon cites various sources, "SJ Rappaport... is of opinion that our Antoninus is Antoninus Pius." Other opinions cited suggest "Antoninus" was Caracalla, Lucius Verus or Alexander Severus.
77. Geoffrey William Adams, Marcus Aurelius in the Historia Augusta and Beyond. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013, ISBN 978-0-7391-7638-2 ,pages 74/75.
78. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 112; Grant, The Antonines, 14
79. Michael Petrus Josephus Van Den Hout, A Commentary on the Letters of M. Cornelius Fronto. Leiden: Bril, 199, ISBN 9004109579 , page 389
80. Champlin, Final Judgments, 16
81. Michel Christol, "Préfecture du prétoire et haute administration équestre à la fin du règne d’Antonin le Pieux et au début du règne de Marc Aurèle". In: Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz, 18, 2007. pp. 115-140.Available at . Accessed January 27, 2016
82. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 114
83. Bowman, pg. 156; Victor, 15:7
84. Victor, 15:7
85. Dio 71.33.4–5; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 114.
86. Bury, pg. 532
87. HA Antoninus Pius 12.4–8; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 114.
88. Bowman, pg. 156
89. HA Marcus 7.10, tr. David Magie, cited in Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118, 278 n.6.
90. Robert Turcan, "Origines et sens de l'inhumation à l'époque impériale". In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 60, 1958, n°3-4. pp. 323-347. Available at . Accessed January 14, 2016
91. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118.
92. Historia Augusta, Life of Antoninus Pius 5:4
93. Bury, pg. 524
94. Settipani, Christian, Continuité gentilice et continuité sénatoriale dans les familles sénatoriales romaines à l'époque impériale,Unit for Prosographical Research, Linacre College, University of Oxford, 2000
95. Martindale, John Robert, John Morris, and Arnold Hugh Martin Jones, "Anicius Probus 7", The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, Volume 2, Cambridge University Press, p. 911.

References

Primary sources

• Cassius Dio, Roman History, Book 70,
• Aurelius Victor, "Epitome de Caesaribus", English version of Epitome de Caesaribus
• Historia Augusta, The Life of Antoninus Pius, English version of Historia Augusta Note that the Historia Augusta includes pseudohistorical elements.

Secondary sources

• Weigel, Richard D. "Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138–161) De Imperatoribus Romanis".
• Bowman, Alan K. (2000). The Cambridge Ancient History: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192. Cambridge University Press.
• Birley, Anthony (2000). Marcus Aurelius. Routledge.
• Canduci, Alexander (2010). Triumph & Tragedy: The Rise and Fall of Rome's Immortal Emperors. Pier 9. ISBN 978-1-74196-598-8.
• Bury, J. B. (1893). A History of the Roman Empire from its Foundation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius.
• Hüttl, W. (1936) [1933]. Antoninus Pius. I & II, Prag.
•  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Antoninus Pius". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. This source lists:
  • Bossart-Mueller, Zur Geschichte des Kaisers A. (1868)
  • Bryant, The Reign of Antonine (Cambridge Historical Essays, 1895)
  • Lacour-Gayet, A. le Pieux et son Temps (1888)
  • Watson, P. B. (1884). "ii". Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. London.

External links

• Media related to Antoninus Pius at Wikimedia Commons