List of Celtic place names in Galicia

Ancient (bracketed) and modern places in the Iberian peninsula which have names containing the Celtic elements -brigā or -bris < -brixs 'hill, hillfort'

The Celtic toponymy of Galicia is the whole of the ancient or modern place, river, or mountain names which were originated inside a Celtic language, and thus have Celtic etymology, and which are or were located inside the limits of modern Galicia.

Ancient Celtic toponyms

The Roman lighthouse known as 'Torre de Hércules', and in the past as 'Faro Bregancio', in A Coruña.
Doors to the 'castro' of San Cibrao de Lás, ancient Labiobriga or Lansbriga.
The Miño river as seen from the oppidum of Santa Tegra, A Guarda.
The Tambre river, ancient Tamaris.
'Tres Bispos' peak, in Lugo province, in the westernmost extreme of the ancient Vindius mountains.

In Galicia, approximately half of the non Latin toponyms transmitted from antiquity in the works of classical geographers and authors (Pomponius Mela, Pliny the Elder, Ptolemy...), or in epigraphic Roman inscriptions, have been found to be Celtic,[1][2] being the other half mostly Indo-European but either arguably non Celtic, or lacking a solid Celtic etymology. Here is a non exhaustive list of toponyms which have been found to be, probably, Celtic.[3] The most characteristic element is -bri(s),[4] from Proto-Celtic *brigs,[5] with its derivative *brigā, both meaning 'hill', and thence 'hillfort' and 'town'. The only type of settlement known in Galicia during the Iron Age are forts and fortified towns built in hills and peninsulas. Many of them were abandoned after the Roman conquest.

Britonia

Main article: Britonia

In the 5th or 6th centuries a colony of Britons settled in northern Galicia,[70] and their bishops-abbots attended several councils, first of the Suebic Kingdom of Galicia, and later of the Visigoths in Toledo, until the 8th century. A series of place-names have been attributed to them:[71]

It also existed a village called Bretonos near the city of Lugo, in the Middle Ages.[72]

Modern and mediaeval toponyms

While there are Celtic toponyms all over Galicia, most Celtic and pre-Latin toponyms can be found along the coastal areas, most notably in the Rías Altas region around A Coruña, and in the valley of the Ulla river.

Regions, Mountains and Islands

Some Galician regions - usually called 'comarcas' when spanning over several municipalities, or concellos (councils) otherwise - maintain names either directly inherited from pre-Roman tribal and sub-tribal names, or simply with pre-Roman origin:

Céltigos, a village, in Sarria.
Céltigos, a parish, in Frades.
Céltigos, a parish, in Ortigueira.

Rivers

Many Galician rivers preserve old Celtic and pre-Roman Indo-European names, most notably larger ones:

Parishes and Villages

Most of the 3794 parishes, small rural districts, of Galicia continue medieval and Roman villas, frequently founded near, or even on top, of old Iron Age hillforts. Many of these parishes preserve old pre-Latin names.

Composites containing Celtic *-brig- 'hill'

The most frequent element among the Celtic toponyms of Galicia[4] is *brigs,[102] meaning 'hill, high place', and by extension 'hillfort'. Usually it is the second element in composite toponyms ending in -bre, -be or -ve,[103] being cognate of Irish Gaelic brí 'hill', with the same origin: Proto-Celtic *-brigs > -brixs > -bris. A few toponyms ending in -bra proceed from a derivative -brigā 'hill(fort)', which also originated Breton and Welsh languages bre 'hill'. Some of these toponyms are:[104]

Similar meaning can be attributed to Ombre (Anovre in 1114), a parish in Pontedeume; Ombre (Anobre in 971), a village in O Pino; and Ombre, another three more villages in Culleredo, Miño and Brion.

Toponyms based on a superlative

Another frequent type of Celtic toponyms in Galicia are those whose names are formed as a superlative,[144] either formed with the suffix -mmo- or with the composite one -is-mmo-:

Other pre-Latin toponyms

Other villages and parishes have names with pre-Latin, probably Celtic, origin, specially in the coastal areas of A Coruña and Pontevedra provinces and all along the valley of the Ulla river. Among them:

See also

Notes

  1. Curchin (2008) pp. 109, 130-131.
  2. Vallejo (2009) pp. 272-273.
  3. In general, cf. Falileyev (2007), Curchin (2008), Luján (2006). Reconstructed Proto-Celtic forms are usually given according to the forms proposed by Matasovic (2009). As in the rest of the article, an asterisk marks an otherwise hypothetical form.
  4. 1 2 Koch (2006) p. 790
  5. Prósper (2002) p. 358
  6. Prósper (2002) p. 258.
  7. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *fētu-.
  8. Curchin (2008) p.117; Luján (2006) p. 726.
  9. Curchin (2008) p. 117.
  10. Curchin (2008) p. 115; Luján (2006) p. 728; Delamarre (2012) p. 41
  11. 1 2 Luján (2006) p. 723.
  12. Delamarre (2003) p. 37; Koch (2006) s.v. albio, albiones.
  13. Delamarre (2003) p. 37
  14. 1 2 Prósper (2008) p. 37.
  15. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 111.
  16. Delamarre (2012) p. 67
  17. Delamarre (2003) p. 61.
  18. 1 2 3 4 Curchin (2008) p. 118.
  19. 1 2 Prósper (2002) p. 360.
  20. 1 2 3 4 5 Falileyev (2007) s.v.
  21. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *brig-, *brigo-.
  22. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kallī-.
  23. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 119; Luján (2006) p. 728.
  24. Curchin (2008) p. 119
  25. Cf. Epigraphik-Datenbank Clauss / Slaby.
  26. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 120.
  27. cf. Matasovic (2009). s.v.
  28. Delamarre (2003) p. 117.
  29. Curchin (2008) p.120; Delamarre (2003) s.v. coilos.
  30. Koch (2006) p. 1593.
  31. cf. Matasovic (2009) p. 214.
  32. Curchin (2008) p. 121.
  33. Pliny, Natural History III.28.
  34. 1 2 cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  35. 1 2 Luján (2006) p. 728.
  36. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *fare-koro-.
  37. Delamarre, Xavier (2009). "Quatre toponymes celtiques d’Espagne". Nouvelle Revue d’Onomastique 51: 1–15. Retrieved 2 October 2012.
  38. Curchin (2008) p. 122.
  39. cf. Curchin (2008) p. 122.
  40. Delamarre, Xavier (2009). "IRIA (*ĪRYĀ) "L’OPULENTE, LA FERTILE" (LIGURIE, GALICE, DALMATIE)". Veleia 26: 355–358. Retrieved 2 October 2012.
  41. 1 2 3 Curchin (2008) p. 123.
  42. cf. Prósper (2002) p. 258.
  43. Falileyev (2007) s.v. lān(i)o-.
  44. Lujan (2006) p. 725.
  45. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 113
  46. Delamarre (2012) p. 178
  47. 1 2 cf. Ward (1996) s.v.
  48. Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos, VI.21.
  49. Cf. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Medulli.
  50. 1 2 Curchin (2008) p. 113
  51. Curchin (2008) p. 124.
  52. cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. meion.
  53. Curchin (2008) p. 124; Luján (2006) p. 727.
  54. Delamarre (2012) p. 204
  55. 1 2 Delamarre (2003) s.v. nauson.
  56. Curchin (2008) p. 112; Luján (2006) p.724.
  57. Curchin (2008) p.124; Luján (2006) p.727; Delamarre (2012) p. 178
  58. Curchin (2008) p. 125.
  59. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *akro-.
  60. Curchin (2008) p. 125; Lujan (2006) p. 727.
  61. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *folkā-.
  62. Curchin (2008) p. 125; Luján (2006) p.727.
  63. Delamarre (2012) p. 211
  64. Curchin (2008) p.116; Luján (2006) p. 724.
  65. Prósper (2008) pp. 38-40.
  66. Luján (2006) p. 729.
  67. Ward (1996) s.v.; Delamarre (2003) p. 288.
  68. Delamarre (2012) p. 246
  69. Curchin (2008) p. 129; Prósper (2002) p. 259.
  70. Koch (2006) s.v. Britonia.
  71. Young, Simon (2002). Britonia: camiños novos. Noia: Toxosoutos. pp. 123–128. ISBN 978-84-95622-58-7.
  72. “Inter Bretonos et Sancto Petro de Mera“, 1078 CE, in Flórez, España Sagrada 40: 420.
  73. cf. Falileyev s.v. araus(i)o-.
  74. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  75. Koch (2003) s.v. Brigantes
  76. 'discurrente ad aulam Sancte Marie, inter IIos montes Leboreiro et Carnota, secus flumen Doronia', c. 1110.
  77. 1 2 3 Moralejo 2010, 106.
  78. 1 2 Mariño Paz, p. 32.
  79. 1 2 Moralejo 2010, 107.
  80. Bascuas (2006) p. 813.
  81. Koch (2006) s.v. Bretha Nemed.
  82. Mariño Paz, p. 32
  83. 1 2 Bascuas (2008) p. 531
  84. 1 2 3 Delamarre (2003) s.v.
  85. Monteagudo (1999) p. 266
  86. Mariño Paz (1999) p. 34.
  87. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *dēwo-.
  88. Koch (2006) p. 318.
  89. Delamarre, Xavier (2012). Noms de lieux celtiques de l'Europe ancienne. Paris: Errance. p. 143. ISBN 978-2-87772-483-8.
  90. Monteagudo (1999) p. 278
  91. Cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. lano-.
  92. Moralejo (2007) pp. 144-148
  93. Moralejo (2007) pp. 148-150; Monteagudo (1999) p. 288
  94. Mariño Paz (1998) p. 32; Prósper (2002) p. 312.
  95. Monteagudo (1999) p. 291.
  96. Sánchez Albornoz, Claudio (1929). "Divisiones tribales y administrativas del solar del reino de Asturias en la época romana". Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia 95: 315–395. Retrieved 25 October 2012.
  97. González, José Manuel (1964). "Otros ríos asturianos de nombre prerromano (Eo, Navia, Ibias, Varayo, Esva)" (PDF). Archivum: Revista de la Facultad de Filología 14: 134–148. Retrieved 25 October 2012.
  98. Monteagudo (1999) p. 299
  99. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Tamaris
  100. 1 2 Monteagudo (1999) p. 305
  101. Monteagudo (1999) p. 309
  102. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *brig-
  103. Toponyms ended in -ve, -be generally derive from toponyms ended in -bre / -vre, through metathesis or dissimilation. Cf. Moralejo (2007) p. 39.
  104. In general, and for most of these toponyms: Prósper (2002) pp. 357-382.
  105. 1 2 3 4 Moralejo 2010, 104-105.
  106. Moralejo (2007) p. 352.
  107. Cf. Falileyev (2007) s.v. Arcobriga.
  108. Prósper (2002) p. 380.
  109. Cf. Falileyev s.v. anat-
  110. Prósper (2002) p. 376.
  111. Cf. Falileyev s.v. ba/odio-.
  112. Cf. Delamarre (2003) s.v. britu-
  113. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *briti-
  114. 1 2 Prósper (2002) p. 374.
  115. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kallī-.
  116. Prósper (2002) p. 377.
  117. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *karant-.
  118. cf. IEW s.v. *(s)ker-3.
  119. Prósper (2002) p. 364.
  120. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kayto-
  121. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. kēlyo-.
  122. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *kiwo-.
  123. Matasovic (2009) s.v. kʷol-u-.
  124. Falileyev s.v. corto-.
  125. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *widu-.
  126. CIL II, 5607a.
  127. Prósper (2002) p. 377; Delamarre (2003) s.v. *illio-.
  128. Prósper (2002) p. 377
  129. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *feno-.
  130. 1 2 Prósper (2002) p. 378.
  131. Falileyev s.v. *iso-
  132. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *landā-.
  133. Ward s.v. *lāgenā.
  134. 1 2 3 Prósper (2002) p. 375.
  135. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *lestro-
  136. Prósper (2002) p. 378; cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *magyo-.
  137. Prósper (2002) p. 375.
  138. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. akro-.
  139. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.
  140. 1 2 3 Prósper (2002) p. 379.
  141. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *sentu-.
  142. Falileyev s.v.
  143. Cf. Falileyev s.v. Vologatae, and Matasovic (2009) s.v. *walo-.
  144. Prósper (2005) pp. 267-284.
  145. Prósper (2005) p. 266.
  146. Prósper (2005) p. 269; Moralejo (2007) p. 44.
  147. Prósper (2005) p. 278.
  148. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.*ufo.
  149. Matasovic (2009) s.v. māro-
  150. Moralejo 2010, 106-107.
  151. 1 2 Prósper (2005) p. 282.
  152. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v.*sego-.
  153. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *owxsV- 'high'
  154. Moralejo 2010, 100.
  155. Matasovic (2009), s.v., Delamarre (2003) s.v. arganton
  156. Moralejo (2007) p. 350.
  157. Moralejo 2010, 103-104.
  158. 1 2 3 Matasovic (2009) s.v., Delamarre (2003) s.v.
  159. Monteagudo (1999) p. 256.
  160. Among other possibilities. Cf. Moralejo 2010, 106.
  161. Cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *mrogi, Moralejo (2007) pp. 179-184.
  162. Prósper (2002) p. 312.
  163. Prósper (2005) p. 269.
  164. cf. Matasovic (2009) s.v. *Salano-

References

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