Peter Martyr Vermigli

Engraving after a woodcut by Jos Murer

Peter Martyr Vermigli (Italian: Pietro Martire Vermigli, born Piero Mariano, 8 September 1499 – 12 November 1562) was a Reformed theologian of the Reformation period. His reforming work in Italy and decision to flee for Protestant land influenced many other Italians to convert to Protestantism flee as well. In England, he influenced the Edwardian Reformation through his close association with Thomas Cranmer, lectures at Oxford University, and a disputation on the Eucharist. As a professor in Strasbourg and Zürich, he developed a strong doctrine of double predestination independently of John Calvin. He was considered an authority on the Eucharist among the Reformed churches. His Loci Communes, a compilation of excerpts from his biblical commentaries, became a standard Reformed theological textbook.

Born in Florence, he entered the Canons Regular of Saint Augustine religious order and was influenced by reading Protestant theologians such as Martin Bucer and Ulrich Zwingli. To avoid persecution he was forced to flee Catholic Italy for the Reformed safe haven of Switzerland. Thomas Cranmer invited him to assist in the nascent English Reformation and he was appointed to a professorship at Oxford University where he was influential in the development of the theology of the Eucharist in Protestant England and in modifications of the Book of Common Prayer. Vermigli was forced to leave England on the ascension of Queen Mary I. He was engaged in several controversies with Lutherans and Reformed theologians over the Eucharist and predestination in Strasbourg and Zurich. He lived his final days teaching theology in Zurich.

Life

Early life (1499–1525)

The Badia Fiesolana, where Vermigli entered religious life

Vermigli was born in Florence, Italy, on 8 September 1499 to Stefano di Antonio Vermigli, a wealthy shoemaker, and Maria Fumantina.[1] He was christened Piero Mariano the following day.[2] He was the eldest of three children; his sister Felicita Antonio was born in 1501 and his brother Antonio Lorenzo Romulo was born in 1504.[3] His mother taught him Latin before enrolling him in a school for children of noble Florentines.[lower-alpha 1] She died in 1511, when Piero was twelve.[4] Vermigli was attracted to the priesthood from an early age.[5] In 1514 he became a novice at the Badia Fiesolana, a monastery of the Canons Regular of the Lateran.[6] The Lateran Canons were one of several institutions born out of a fifteenth-century religious reform movement. They emphasized strict discipline and moved from house to house rather than remaining in one place. They also sought to provide leadership in urban areas.[7] Peter's sister followed him into the monastic life, becoming a nun the same year.[8]

On completing his novitiate in 1518, Vermigli took the name Peter Martyr after the thirteenth-century Dominican Saint Peter of Verona.[1] The Lateran Congregation had recently decided that promising young ordinands should be sent to the monastery of Saint John of Verdara in Padua to study Aristotle, so Vermigli was sent there.[9] The University of Padua, with which Saint John of Verdera was loosely affiliated, was a very prestigious institution at the time.[10] At Padua, Vermigli received a thorough training in Thomistic scholasticism and an appreciation for Augustine and Christian humanism.[11] Vermigli was determined to read Aristotle in his original language despite the lack of Greek teachers, so he taught himself.[12] He also made the acquaintance of prominent reform-minded theologians Pietro Bembo, Reginald Pole, and Marcantonio Flaminio.[1]

Early Italian ministry (1525–1536)

Vermigli was ordained in 1525 and probably received his Doctor of Divinity around that time.[1] The chapter-general of the Congregation elected him to the office of public preacher in 1526.[13] His first series of sermons was in Brescia later that year. He then preached for three years, travelling around northern and central Italy.[1] Unlike the practice of other preaching orders which usually only preached at Lent and Advent, the Augustinians preached year-round.[14] He also gave lectures on the Bible as well as Homer in Lateran Congregation houses.[1]

In 1530 Vermigli was appointed vicar of the monastery at San Giovanni in Monte, Bologna.[1] There he learned Hebrew from a local Jewish doctor to read the Old Testament scriptures in their original language.[15] It was uncommon but not unheard of for clergy to learn Hebrew, even among those who sought deeper biblical study.[16] In 1533 the chapter-general elected Vermigli abbot of the two Lateran monasteries in Spoleto.[lower-alpha 2] At this post he was also responsible for two convents.[lower-alpha 3] The discipline in the monastic houses in Vermigli's care had been lax prior to his arrival, and they had become a source of scandal in Spoleto. There was also a history of power struggle between the Bishop of Spoleto and the previous abbott, to the point that the bishop had excommunicated Vermigli's predecessor,[lower-alpha 4] only to be overturned by the pope. Vermigli brought order to his houses and mended the relationship with the bishop.[20]

The chapter-general re-elected Vermigli to the Spoletan abbacy in 1534 and again in 1535, but he was not elected to lead any house the following year. He may have been identified as a promising reformer who could help with reform efforts in higher places.[21] Vermigli was in contact with the prelates working on the Consilium de emendanda ecclesia, an internal report on the abuses of the Catholic Church commissioned by Pope Paul III. He may have even travelled to Rome to assist in writing it.[22]

First controversial preaching and ministry in Lucca (1537–1541)

The Congregation elected Vermigli abbot of the monastery at Saint Peter ad Aram, Naples in 1537.[22] There he became acquainted with Juan de Valdés, a leader of the spirituali movement.[23] Valdés introduced Vermigli to the writings of Protestant reformers.[1] Toward the end of his time in Naples, he read Martin Bucer's commentaries on the Gospels and the Psalms, and Zwingli's De vera et falsa religione.[24] Reading these works was an act of ecclesiastical defiance, but not an uncommon one in reformist circles. Vermigli seems to have slowly moved in a Protestant direction primarily through study of the Bible and the Church fathers, especially Augustine. He probably read Protestant literature critically, and it was common for those in reform-minded circles to read Protestant writers while remaining in the Catholic Church.[25] Vermigli embraced the Protestant doctrine of justification by faith alone during this time, and he had probably rejected the traditional Catholic view of the sacraments.[26] It is also possible that Valdés learned his strong doctrine of predestination from Vermigli, which Vermigli had probably learned from his study of Gregory of Rimini.[1]

Vermigli's away move from orthodox Catholic belief became apparent in 1539 when he preached on 1 Corinthians 3:9–17, a passage commonly used as proof of the doctrine of purgatory.[27] Vermigli did not take this view in his preaching, though he did not openly deny the existence of purgatory.[28] Opponent of the spirituali Gaetano da Thiene reported his suspicions of Vermigli to the Spanish viceroy of Naples Don Pedro de Toledo, who prohibited Vermigli's preaching.[29] The prohibition was removed on appeal to Rome with the help of powerful friends he had made in Padua such as Cardinals Pole and Bembo.[30] Despite this controversy, Vermigli continued to rise in the Lateran Congregation. He was made one of four visitors by the chapter-general in 1540.[1] The visitors assisted the rector general by inspecting the Congregation's religious houses.[31]

Basilica of San Frediano, where Vermigli was appointed prior in 1541

In 1541 the Congregation elected Vermigli to the important post of prior of Basilica of San Frediano in Lucca.[30][lower-alpha 5] The prior at San Frediano exercised some episcopal authority over half the city, as well as control of the Lateran's religious houses.[32] Like his earlier post in Spoleto, the monks of the San Frediano monastery as well as the clergy of Lucca were known for moral laxity, and this had led to an openness to the new Lutheran religion in Lucca.[33] Vermigli saw his task as one of education as well as moral correction.[34] He set up a college based on humanist principles of education and the model of the newly founded St John's College, Cambridge, and Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Instruction was in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew.[23] Among the professors were humanists Immanuel Tremellius, Paolo Lacizi, Celio Secondo Curione,[1] and Girolamo Zanchi, all of whom would later convert to Protestantism.[35] The Congregation recognized his work by appointing him to a disciplinary commission of seven canons in May 1542.[1]

Flight from Italy (1542)

Vermigli was widely respected and very cautious. He was able to continue his reform efforts without any suspicion of unorthodox views despite a papal meeting with the Emporer in Lucca in 1541.[36] His eventual downfall was caused by two of his followers, one of whom openly questioned papal authority and another who celebrated a Protestant form of the Eucharist.[1] The reconstitution of the Roman Inquisition in 1542 may have been in part a response to fear that Lucca and other cities would defect from the Catholic Church.[37] The authorities of the Republic of Lucca began to fear that their political independence from the Holy Roman Empire was at stake if their city continued to be viewed as a Protestant haven. Bans on Protestant books heretofore ignored were enforced, religious feasts which had been dropped were reinstated, and religious processions were scheduled to assure Rome of Lucca's loyalty.[38]

Vermigli was summoned to a Chapter Extraordinary of the Lateran Congregation, and his friends warned him that he had powerful adversaries. These increasingly foreboding events contributed to his decision to flee, but he was finally persuaded by his conscience against the Masses he was bound to perform.[39] Vermigli fled Lucca for Pisa on 12 August 1542 by horse with three of his canons.[lower-alpha 6] There he celebrated a Protestant form of the Eucharist for the first time.[41] When he stopped in Florence, staying in Badia Fiesolana where he had entered religious life, Vermigli learned that Bernardino Ochino had arrived there.[42] Vermigli convinced Ochino, a popular preacher with Protestant leanings, to flee Italy as well.[43] On 25 August Vermigli travelled to Zürich by way of Ferrara, and Verona.[44]

First Strasbourg professorship (1542–1547)

Once Vermigli arrived in Zürich he was questioned by initially suspicious Protestant leaders Heinrich Bullinger, Konrad Pellikan, and Rudolph Gualther.[45] There was no position vacant for him to fill there or in Basel, where he went next. In a letter to his former congregation in Lucca, he explained his motives for leaving and also expressed discouragement at not being able to find a post.[46] Basler humanist Bonifacius Amerbach assisted him with money, and reformer Oswald Myconius recommended him to Martin Bucer in Strasbourg, with whose writings Vermigli was already familiar.[47] Vermigli moved to Strasbourg and became a close personal friend and ally of Martin Bucer.[48] Bucer granted him the chair of Old Testament at the Senior School, Strasbourg, succeeding Wolfgang Capito.[49] He began by lecturing on the minor prophets, followed by Lamentations, Genesis, Exodus, and Leviticus.[50][lower-alpha 7] Vermigli was delighted to be able to teach from the original language text of the Old Testament, as many of his students could read Hebrew.[52] He was well liked by his students and fellow scholars.[53] Vermigli was known for precision, simplicity, and clarity of speech in contrast to Bucer's propensity for digressions which sometimes left his students lost.[54]

Two of Vermigli's former colleagues in Lucca, Lacizi and Tremellius, would join him in Strasbourg.[55] In 1544 he was elected canon of St. Thomas Church, Strasbourg.[56] In 1545 Vermigli married his first wife, Catherine Dammartin, a former nun from Metz.[1] Catherine knew no Italian, and Peter very little German, so it is assumed they conversed in Latin.[57] During their time in Oxford she ministered to expectant mothers.[58]

England (1547–1553)

Edward VI acceded the English throne in 1547 and the Protestant reformers there hoped to take the opportunity to more thoroughly reform the Church of England. Archbishop Thomas Cranmer invited Vermigli and Ochino to assist in the effort.[59] In addition, the victory of Catholic Holy Roman Emperor Charles V in the Schmalkaldic War and the resulting Augsburg Interim lead to a hostile environment for Protestants in Germany.[60] Vermigli accepted the invitation in November and sailed with Ochino to England.[59] In 1548, he replaced Richard Smyth to become the second Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford.[60] This was a very influential post at a university which had been slow to accept reform.[61]

On arriving in Oxford, Vermigli began lecturing on 1 Corinthians,[61] denouncing Catholic doctrines of purgatory, clerical celibacy, and lenten fasting. He then spoke against the Catholic doctrine of the Eucharist, the most sensitive area of disagreement between Protestants and Catholics in England at the time.[62] Conservative faculty, led by Vermigli's predecessor as Regius Professor Richard Smyth, challenged Vermigli to defend his views in a formal disputation. Smyth fled to St Andrews and finally to Leuven before the disputation could be held,[1] so three Catholic divines, William Tresham, William Chedsey and Morgan Phillips, stepped forward to take his place.[63] The disputation was held in 1549 before Richard Cox, the University Chancellor and a firm Protestant.[64] It focused on the doctrine of transubstantiation, with Vermigli's opponents arguing for it and him against.[65] Chancellor Cox made it obvious that he considered Vermigli to have the better argument, but did not formally declare a winner.[65] The disputation put Vermigli at the forefront of debate over the nature of the Eucharist.[63]

Pietro Vermigli, by Hans Asper, 1560.[lower-alpha 8]

In 1549, a series of uprisings known as the Prayer Book Rebellion forced Vermigli to leave Oxford and take up residence at Lambeth Palace with Cranmer. The rebellion involved conservative opposition to a vernacular liturgy, which was imposed with the Book of Common Prayer at Pentecost in 1549.[67] Rioters in the streets of Oxford threatened Vermigli with death.[68] At Lambeth, Vermigli assisted Cranmer by helping write sermons against the rebellion.[69] After some time he returned to Oxford, where he was made first canon of Christ Church in January 1551.[70] Vermigli, the first married priest at Oxford, caused controversy by bringing his wife into his rooms overlooking Fish Street at the Great Quadrangle.[71] His windows were smashed several times until he moved to a location in the cloisters, where he built a fortified stone study.[72]

Vermigli became deeply involved in English church politics. In 1550, he and Martin Bucer provided recommendations to Cranmer for additional changes to the Book of Common Prayer's Eucharistic liturgy.[1] Vermigli supported the church's position in the vestarian controversy, over whether bishop John Hooper should be forced to wear a surplice. Vermigli was probably instrumental in convincing Hooper to drop his opposition in February 1551. In October 1551 he participated in a commission to rewrite the canon law of England. In the Winter he assisted in the writing of a draft set of such laws, which was published by John Foxe as Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum in 1552.[1]

Edward died in 1553, followed by the accession of Mary I of England, who opposed the Protestant reformers. Vermigli was placed under house arrest for six months,[1] and his Catholic opponents at Oxford would likely have had him executed along with Cranmer. Despite this risk, he agreed to a public disputation with Cranmer against the new Catholic establishment, but this never came to fruition because Cranmer was imprisoned.[73] Vermigli was able to receive permission from the Privy Council to leave England, and was advised by Cranmer to do so.[1] His wife, Catherine, had died childless in February. Soon after Vermigli's departure, Cardinal Pole had her disinterred and thrown on a dungheap. Following the accession of Protestant Queen Elizabeth in 1558, she was re-interred with the relics of Saint Frithuswith in Christ Church Cathedral.[68]

Strasbourg and Zürich (1553–1562)

Vermigli fled to Strasbourg in 1553, where he was restored to his position at the Senior School and began lecturing on Judges as well as Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics.[74] Vermigli often gathered with other Marian exiles for study and prayer in his home.[75] His lectures on Judges often addressed the political issues relevant for the exiles, such as the right to resist a tyrant.[1] Since Vermigli's departure and the death of Bucer in 1551, Lutheranism had gained influence in Strasbourg under the leadership of Johann Marbach. Vermigli had been asked to sign both the Augsburg Confession and the Wittenberg Concord as a condition of being reinstalled as professor.[76] He was willing to sign the Augsburg Confession, but not the Concordat, which affirmed a bodily presence of Christ in the Eucharist.[1] He was retained and reappointed anyway, but controversy over the Eucharist as well as Vermigli's strong doctrine of double predestination continued with the Lutherans. Another professor in Strasbourg, Girolamo Zanchi, who had converted to Protestantism while under Vermigli in Lucca, shared Vermigli's convictions regarding the Eucharist and predestination. Zanchi and Vermigli became friends and allies.[77] Vermigli's increasing alienation from the Lutheran establishment lead him in 1556 to accept an offer from Heinrich Bullinger teach at the Carolinum school in Zürich. John Jewel, a fellow Marian exile, came along with him.[77]

Painting of Vermigli (left) and Theodor Bibliander (right), who strongly disagreed with Vermigli's doctrine of predestination.

In Zürich, Vermigli succeeded the chair of Hebrew from Konrad Pellikan, a position he would hold until his death.[78] He married his second wife, Catarina Merenda of Brescia, Italy, in 1559.[79] Vermigli was able to share his teaching duties with fellow Hebraist Theodore Bibliander, allowing him time to study and prepare the notes from his previous lectures for publication. He began lecturing on the books of Samuel and Kings.[80] While in Zürich, Vermigli declined invitations to desireable positions in Geneva, Heidelberg, and England.[79]

Vermigli's Eucharistic views were accepted in Zürich, but he ran into controversy over his doctrine of double predestination. Similarly to John Calvin, Vermigli believed that in some way God wills the damnation of those not chosen for salvation. His colleague Theodore Bibliander held the Erasmian view that God wills the salvation of all people, rather than the common Reformed view that God chooses some people and not others to save. This view was bound to lead to confrontation between Bibliander and the Zürich church.[81] Vermigli attempted to avoid confrontation over the issue, but Bibliander began to openly attack him in 1557, at one point allegedly challenging him to a duel with a double-edged axe.[82][lower-alpha 9] Bullinger and the Zürich church did not necessarily agree with Vermigli's double predestinarian view, but Bibliander's view was deemed unallowable. He was dismissed in 1560, in part to assure other Reformed churches of the Zürich church's orthodoxy.[84] Vermigli was involved in predestinarian controversy again when Zanchi, who had remained in Strasbourg when Vermigli left for Zürich, was accused of heretical teachings on the Eucharist and predestination by the Lutheran John Marbach. Vermigli was selected to write the official judgement of the Zürich church on the matter in a statement signed by Bullinger and other leaders December 1561 . His affirmation of a strong doctrine of predestination represented the opinion of the Zurich church as a whole.[85]

Vermigli attended the abortive Colloquy at Poissy in the Summer of 1561 with Theodore Beza, a conference held in France with the intention of reconciling Catholics and Protestants. He was able to converse with queen mother of France Catherine de'Medici in her native Italian.[79] He contributed a speech on the Eucharist, arguing that the Jesus' words "this is my body" at the institution of the sacrament were figurative rather than literal.[86] Vermigli's health was already declining when he succumbed to an epidemic fever in 1562. He died 12 November 1562 in his Zürich home, attended by physician Conrad Gesner. He was buried in the Grossmunster cathedral, where his successor Josias Simler gave a funeral oration, which was published and is an important source for Vermigli's later biographies. Vermigli had had two children by his second wife, Caterina, while he was alive, but they did not survive infancy. Four months after his death she bore him a daughter, Maria.[87][lower-alpha 10]

Works

Title page of the 1576 Loci Communes

Vermigli is best known for the Loci Communes (Latin for "commonplaces"), a collection of the topical discussions scattered throughout his biblical commentaries.[88] The Loci Communes was compiled by Huguenot minister Robert Masson and first published in 1576, fourteen years after Vermigli's death.[89] Vermigli had apparently expressed a desire to have such a book published,[90] and it was urged along by the suggestion of Theodore Beza.[91] Masson followed the pattern of John Calvin's Institutes of the Christian Religion to organize it.[90] Fifteen editions of the Loci Communes spread Vermigli's influence among Reformed Protestants.[92] Anthony Marten translated the Loci Communes into English in 1583, adding to it considerably.[93]

Vermigli published commentaries on I Corinthians (1551), Romans (1558), and Judges (1561) during his lifetime.[94] He was criticized by his colleagues in Strasbourg for withholding his lectures on books of the Bible for years rather than sending them to be published. Calling his lecture notes on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus and the Minor Prophets "brief and hasty annotations", he found it difficult to find time to prepare them for publication. His colleagues edited and published some of his remaining works on the Bible after his death: prayers on the Psalms (1564) and commentaries on Kings (1566), Genesis (1569), and Lamentations (1629).[95] Vermigli, as well as his contemporary John Calvin, adopted an essential literal mode of biblical interpretation. He occasionally adopted an allegorical reading, but he did not utilize the quadriga method of medieval biblical interpretation, where each passage has four levels of meaning. Vermigli's command of Hebrew, as well as his knowledge of rabbinic literature, surpassed most of his contemporaries, including Calvin, Luther, and Zwingli.[96]

329 of Vermigli's letters (sent and received) are preserved, written over the period 1542 to 1562.[97][lower-alpha 11] Many of these were for the purpose of exchanging news about the conditions in England, but they often discussed theological matters as well. His opinion carried a great deal of authority in the Reformed community, especially on the Eucharist. Vermigli used his letters to clarify his position and safeguard the Reformed consensus on the Eucharist against harmful divisions.[99]

Theology

Vermigli was primarily a teacher of scripture rather than a systematic theologian, but his lasting influence is mostly associated with his doctrine of the Eucharist. This can be explained by the close relationship he saw between exegesis of scripture and theological reflection.[100] Vermigli's method of biblical commentary, similar to that of Martin Bucer, was to include extended discussions of doctrinal topics treated by the biblical texts.[101] Like other Protestants, he believed scripture alone held supreme authority in establishing truth.[102] Nevertheless, he was familiar with the church fathers to a higher degree than many of his contemporaries, and he was constantly referring to them.[103] He saw value in the fathers because they had discovered insights into the scriptures that he may not have found,[104] and because many of his Catholic opponents placed great weight on arguments from patristic authority.[105] Often, though, he used the fathers as support for interpretations he had already reached on his own and was not concerned when his interpretation had no patristic precedent.[106]

1599 engraving by Hendrik Hondius I

Vermigli is best known for his polemics against the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and for the Reformed doctrine of "sacramental presence".[107] He argued that transubstantiation, the belief that the substance of bread and wine are changed into Christ's body and blood, was not based on any argument from scripture. He also argued on the basis of Chalcedonian Christology, that because Christ retained his divine nature when he became man, the substance of the Eucharistic elements retain their character.[108] Finally, he used the analogy of the believer's union with Christ against the idea of transubstantiation. Because the believer retains their human nature even though God has joined them with Christ, it follows that the Eucharistic elements do not need to be transformed to be Christ's body.[109] Instead of the substance of the elements changing into Christ's flesh, Vermigli emphasized the action of the sacrament as an instrument through which Christ is offered to the partaker.[110] He also disagreed with the Anabaptist belief that the Eucharist is simply symbolic or figurative, a view called memorialism or tropism.[111]

Vermigli did not see predestination as central to his theological system, but it became associated with him because of controversies in which he became entangled.[112] Vermigli developed his doctrine independently of John Calvin, and before Calvin published it in his 1559 Institutes of the Christian Religion.[113] Vermigli saw God as sovereign over every event, and all things, including evil, used by him to accomplish his will.[114] Nevertheless, humans are not compelled to good or evil actions.[115] Vermigli held that God had chosen some people for salvation on the basis of grace alone, with no consideration for any good or evil characteristics, a view called unconditional election.[116] Vermigli also believed that God passed over the reprobate, those who were not elected to salvation. He saw this as included in the will of God, but different in character from the decision to choose the elect for salvation. Because all people have fallen into sin, the reprobating will of God treats them as by nature fallen and deserving of damnation.[117] Vermigli's formulation of reprobation as within God's decree while distinct from his saving election was slightly different from Calvin's. Calvin saw predestination to salvation and reprobation as two sides of a single decree. Vermigli's doctrine was to prove more influential in the Reformed confessions.[118]

Legacy

Vermigli's leadership in Lucca left arguably the most thoroughly Protestant city in Italy. The Inquisition lead many of these Protestants to flee, creating a significant population of Prostestant refugees in Geneva. Several important leaders in the Reformation can also be tied to Vermigli's work in Lucca, including Girolamo Zanchi and Bernardino Ochino.[119]

Scholars have increasingly recognized the importance of figures other than John Calvin in the early formation of the Reformed tradition. Richard Muller, a chief authority on the development of Reformed thought, has argued that Peter Martyr Vermigli, Wolfgang Musculus, and Heinrich Bullinger were as influential if not more influential than Calvin on the development of Reformed theology in the sixteenth century.[120] Various of Vermigli's writings were printed about 110 times between 1550 and 1650.[121] The 1562 Loci Communes became a standard textbook in Reformed theological education.[122] The English edition was brought to the Massachusetts Bay Colony where it was an important textbook at Harvard College.[92]

Vermigli was a transitional figure between the Reformation period of Reformed theology and the period known as Reformed orthodoxy. In this period, the theology first articulated by Reformation figures was codified and systematized. Reformed orthodox theologians increasingly resorted to the methods of scholastic theology and the tradition of Aristotelianism.[123] Vermigli was the first of the Reformed scholastic theologians, and he influenced later Reformed scholastics Theodore Beza and Girolamo Zanchi.[124]

Vermigli, along with Martin Bucer, appears to have profoundly affected the views of Thomas Cranmer. Vermigli had a great deal of influence in the modifications of the Book of Common Prayer of 1552.[125] He is also believed to have contributed to, if not written, the article on predestination found in the Forty-Two Articles of Religion of 1553.[126] In Elizabethan Oxford and Cambridge, Vermigli's theology was arguably more influential than that of John Calvin. His political theology in particular shaped the Elizabethan religious settlement and his authority was constantly invoked in the controversies of this period.[127]

Notes and references

Notes

  1. ↑ The school was run by Marcello Virgilio Adriano.[1]
  2. ↑ The monasteries were San Giuliano Abbey and Sant'Ansano Monastery (attached to Sant'Ansano Church)[17] San Guiliano was probably abandoned before Vermigli's abbacy.[18]
  3. ↑ The convents were San Matteo and La Stella[17]
  4. ↑ The bishop was Francesco Eroli[19]
  5. ↑ He succeeded Tommaso da Piacenza.[32]
  6. ↑ The canons were Paolo Lacizi, and Giulio Santerenziano.[1] Vermigli was succeeded as prior by Francesco da Pavia.[40]
  7. ↑ The lectures on Lamentations[50] and Genesis were published as commentaries, but the lectures on the minor prophets[50] and Exodus have not survived.[51]
  8. ↑ The Latin poem at top translates:

    Florence brought him forth, Now he wanders as a foreigner and pilgrim
    That he might forever be a citizen among those above.
    This is his likeness; the writings conceal his mind;
    Integrity and piety cannot be represented by art.

    The poem was probably composed by Rudolph Gualther.[66]
  9. ↑ Frank A. James, III, writes that the axe duel story "does not seem to have a solid historical ground" citing Joachim Staedke.[83]
  10. ↑ Maria first married Paolo Zanin, then Gorg Ulrich, a minister in Thalwil[87]
  11. ↑ He exchanged 50 letters with Bullinger, 46 with Calvin, thirteen with others of his colleagues in Zurich, nine with Beza, 53 with various of the English reformers, 21 with Bucer, and 17 with Jan Utenhove, with the remaining exchanged with other correspondents.[98]

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 Taplin 2004.
  2. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 53.
  3. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 56.
  4. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 60.
  5. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 62.
  6. ↑ Steinmetz 2001, p. 106.
  7. ↑ Zuidema 2011, p. 376.
  8. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 63.
  9. ↑ McNair 1967, pp. 84–85.
  10. ↑ James 1998, p. 106.
  11. ↑ James 1998, p. 108.
  12. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 3.
  13. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 118.
  14. ↑ McLelland 2009a, p. 28.
  15. ↑ McLelland 2009a, p. 28; James 1998, p. 195.
  16. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 125.
  17. 1 2 McNair 1967, p. 127.
  18. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 128.
  19. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 129.
  20. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 128–129.
  21. ↑ McNair 1967, pp. 130–131.
  22. 1 2 McLelland 2009a, p. 30.
  23. 1 2 Kirby 2009, p. 136.
  24. ↑ Steinmetz 2001, p. 107; James 1998, pp. 194–195, 197, 200.
  25. ↑ James 1998, p. 195, 197, 199.
  26. ↑ James 1998, p. 40.
  27. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 161.
  28. ↑ McLelland 2009a, p. 32.
  29. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 165.
  30. 1 2 Steinmetz 2001, p. 107.
  31. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 193.
  32. 1 2 McNair 1967, p. 206.
  33. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 213.
  34. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 221.
  35. ↑ McNair 1994, p. 7.
  36. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 239.
  37. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 249.
  38. ↑ McNair 1967, pp. 254–255.
  39. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 265–268.
  40. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 271.
  41. ↑ James 1998, p. 39.
  42. ↑ McNair 1967, pp. 276—277.
  43. ↑ McNair 1967, p. 282.
  44. ↑ Taplin 2004; McNair 1967, p. 290.
  45. ↑ James 1998, p. 3.
  46. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 10; Hobbs 2009, p. 38.
  47. ↑ Hobbs 2009, p. 38.
  48. ↑ James 1998, p. 4.
  49. ↑ Campi 2009, p. 97.
  50. 1 2 3 Hobbs 2009, p. 50.
  51. ↑ Hobbs 2009, p. 60.
  52. ↑ Hobbs 2009, p. 49.
  53. ↑ Hobbs 2009, p. 53.
  54. ↑ Anderson 1975, p. 80; Hobbs 2009, p. 53.
  55. ↑ Hobbs 2009, p. 54.
  56. ↑ McNair 1994, p. 8.
  57. ↑ Kirby 2009, p. 137.
  58. ↑ McNair 1994, p. 9.
  59. 1 2 McLelland 1957, p. 16.
  60. 1 2 Methuen 2009, pp. 71; Taplin 2004.
  61. 1 2 Methuen 2009, p. 71.
  62. ↑ Overell 1984, p. 89.
  63. 1 2 Steinmetz 2001, p. 108; James 1998, pp. 4, 8.
  64. ↑ Overell 1984, p. 90.
  65. 1 2 McLelland 2000, p. xxx.
  66. ↑ Kirby 2007, p. 240.
  67. ↑ Kirby 2009, p. 139; Taplin 2004.
  68. 1 2 McNair 1994, p. 10.
  69. ↑ Overell 1984, p. 92.
  70. ↑ Overell 1984, p. 93.
  71. ↑ McNair 1994, p. 10; Anderson 1996.
  72. ↑ Overell 1984, p. 93; Taplin 2004.
  73. ↑ Kirby 2009, p. 140.
  74. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 46.
  75. ↑ Anderson 1996.
  76. ↑ James 1998, pp. 4, 31; Steinmetz 2001, pp. 112–113.
  77. 1 2 James 1998, pp. 4, 32; Steinmetz 2001, pp. 112–113.
  78. ↑ McNair 1994, pp. 11–12.
  79. 1 2 3 McNair 1994, p. 12.
  80. ↑ Campi 2009, pp. 99–100.
  81. ↑ Venema 2002, pp. 76.
  82. ↑ James 1998, pp. 4, 33–34; Steinmetz 2001, pp. 112–113.
  83. ↑ James 2007, p. 170.
  84. ↑ Venema 2002, pp. 78–79.
  85. ↑ James 1998, pp. 4, 35; Steinmetz 2001, pp. 112–113.
  86. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 63.
  87. 1 2 McNair 1994, pp. 12–13.
  88. ↑ McLelland 2009b, p. 480.
  89. ↑ Donnelly & Kingdon 1990, p. 98.
  90. 1 2 McLelland 2009b, p. 487.
  91. ↑ Donnelly 1976, p. 172.
  92. 1 2 McLelland 2009b, p. 488.
  93. ↑ McLelland 2009b, p. 493–494.
  94. ↑ Balserak 2009, p. 284.
  95. ↑ Hobbs 2009, p. 52.
  96. ↑ Campi 2014, pp. 134–135.
  97. ↑ Moser 2009, p. 434.
  98. ↑ Campi 2014, p. 129.
  99. ↑ Moser 2009, pp. 454–455.
  100. ↑ McLelland 2009c, p. 496.
  101. ↑ Amos 2009, p. 189.
  102. ↑ Rester 2013, p. p11–12.
  103. ↑ Wright 2009, p. 129.
  104. ↑ Wright 2009, p. 123.
  105. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 267.
  106. ↑ Schantz 2004, p. 131.
  107. ↑ Donnelly, James & McLelland 1999, p. 151.
  108. ↑ Boutin 2009, p. 199.
  109. ↑ Boutin 2009, pp. 202–203.
  110. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 185.
  111. ↑ McLelland 1957, p. 221.
  112. ↑ James 1998, p. 33.
  113. ↑ Muller 2008, p. 62.
  114. ↑ Muller 2008, p. 64.
  115. ↑ Neelands 2009, p. 360.
  116. ↑ Neelands 2009, p. 358.
  117. ↑ Muller 2008, p. 65.
  118. ↑ Muller 2008, p. 70.
  119. ↑ Donnelly 1976, p. 173.
  120. ↑ Benedict 2002, p. 50.
  121. ↑ Donnelly 1976, p. 3.
  122. ↑ Benedict 2002, p. 62.
  123. ↑ Baschera 2007, pp. 325–326.
  124. ↑ Donnelly 1976, p. 207.
  125. ↑ Steinmetz 2001, p. 112; James 1998, p. 4.
  126. ↑ Neelands 2009, p. 374.
  127. ↑ Kirby 2009, pp. 143–144.

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