Sex workers' rights

Bronze statue Belle in Amsterdam's red-light district De Wallen, in front of the Oude Kerk. It was unveiled in March 2007 with the inscription "Respect sex workers all over the world."

The term sex workers' rights encompasses a variety of aims being pursued globally by individuals and organizations that specifically involve the human, health, and labor rights of sex workers and their clients. The goals of these movements are diverse but generally aim to decriminalize and destigmatize sex work and ensure fair treatment before legal and cultural forces on a local and international level for all persons in the sex industry.[1]

The term sex work is generally used to refer primarily to prostitution, but also encompasses adult video performers, phone sex operators, dancers in strip clubs, and others who provide sexually-related services. Some extend the use of the term to include "support personnel" such as managers, agents, videographers, club bouncers, and others. The debate over sex work is often characterized as an issue of women's rights, especially by those who argue that prostitution is inherently oppressive and seek to criminalize it or keep it illegal, but in fact there are also many male and gender non-binary individuals engaged in providing sexual services. Most sex workers, naturally, do not wish to be branded as criminals, and tend to regard laws against prostitution, pornography, and other parts of the sex industry as violating their rights.

Since the use of red umbrellas by sex workers in Venice, Italy in 2001—as part of the 49th Venice Biennale of Art—a red umbrella has become the foremost internationally recognized symbol for sex worker rights.

Discrimination and stigmatization

In most countries, even those where sex work is legal, sex workers of all kinds feel that they are stigmatized and marginalized, and that this prevents them from seeking legal redress for discrimination (for e.g., racial discrimination by a strip club owner, dismissal from a teaching position because of involvement in the sex industry), non-payment by a client, assault or rape. Activists also believe that clients of sex workers may also be stigmatized and marginalized, in some cases even more so than sex workers themselves. For instance, in Sweden, Norway and Iceland, it is illegal to buy sexual services, but not to sell them (the client is said to have committed a crime, but not the prostitute).[2]

Pornography debates

During the 1970s and 1980s, the main topics in feminist discourse on women’s sexuality were pornography, sex work, and human trafficking. This led to the birth of the mobilization for sex worker rights in America. Carol Leigh is credited with coining the term "sex work" in the early 1980s and it was later popularized by a book published in 1989 called Sex Work.[3] Around this time, pornography in particular was a prominent debate among feminists campaigning for women's rights. The feminists involved in these debates held opposing views on how to eliminate sexual violence against women, and those involved were either classified as "liberal feminists" or "radical feminists." A third group of feminists is described as "pro-sex" or "sex positive feminism," and this view is considered the true feminist defense of pornography.[4]

Radical feminist

The argument of the radical side rests upon the premise that pornography depicts women as subordinates and perpetrates violence against women.[5] Some of the main anti-porn feminists involved in the debates included Page Mellish, Andrea Dworkin, and Catherine MacKinnon. Andrea Dworkin insisted that the oppression of women occurs through sexual subordination and that in order for gender equality to exist, subordination must be eliminated. Thus, she states that pornography was an antagonist to equality.[5] Similarly, Catherine MacKinnon states that pornography is an act of sexual violence.[6] On the grounds that pornography violated women’s civil rights, she and Dworkin proposed a law named the ‘Antipornography Civil Rights Ordinance’ that allowed women to seek reparations for damages done by pornography through civil courts. Likewise, Page Mellish, the founder of Feminists Fighting Pornography (FFP), believed that issues facing feminists were rooted in pornography. Mellish allied with conservatives in 1992 to fight for the passing of the ‘Pornography Victims’ Compensation Act’ which was modeled after Dworkin and MacKinnon’s ordinance.[7]

Liberal feminist

Contrarily, liberal feminists believe that capitalism allows women to freely make whatever choices they desire. As such, some women freely choose to participate in pornography, as they do in other forms of labour. The main thing that these feminists fight for is anti-censorship regardless of whether they personally agree with pornography or not.[4] On this side of the debate are feminists such as Gayle Rubin and Lynn Chancer. Rubin argues that anti-pornography laws could negatively harm sexual minorities such as gays/lesbians, sex workers, and feminists because they would create new problems and modes of abuse resulting from the anti-pornography side's use of a limited amount of porn that demonstrates the most extreme cases of violence such as sadomasochism.[8][9] Likewise, Chancer argues that it is possible for such imagery to be able to circulate consensually and lawfully while genuine feelings of pleasure are being experienced without women feeling subordinated.[10] She also states that some of these feminists believe that pornography is negatively affecting women by leading to violence against women when in actuality it is not. Thus, she concludes that radical feminists are looking at pornography as a quick fix to a much larger societal problem.[11]

Sex positive feminist

Sex positive feminists believe that no form of sexual expression should be vilified except that which is not consensual.[12] One of the main advocates of this feminist perspective is Carol Queen. She argues that radical feminists probably generalize too widely as far as women are concerned and do not take into consideration more complicated circumstances such as sadomasochism and prostitution. Elisa Glick also states that configurations of power within relationships do not prevent women from exercising it and that they can be used to enable women to exercise it.[13]

"Sex Wars"

Pornography debates provided leeway for the emergence of the "Sex Wars" debates, a title assigned by feminist scholars. These debates began in the 1980s and centered upon ways that women were depicted in heterosexual sexual relations. The main premise of the anti-pornography movement rests upon the argument that pornography is degrading and violent towards women. These feminists also believe that pornography encourages men to behave violently towards women.[5] However, liberal feminists argued that this argument does not take into account the pleasure that women can experience, stating that these arguments could backfire against women and actually subject them to a greater degree of subordination.[8]

Thus, the debates started to become centralized on the role of dominance within heterosexual relationships and how this dominance is transferred to other areas of women’s lives. These theories of male sexuality and female objectification and sexuality are controversial because they framed later debates about human trafficking, in which coerced workers are distinguished from voluntary workers.[14]

Human trafficking

The human trafficking debate, a prominent discourse in the 21st century, has materialized as a result of the movement. Current debates center on whether the best way to protect women would be through abolition, criminalization, decriminalization, or legalization.

Legalization

Sex worker advocates who are fighting for legalization or decriminalization of prostitution contend that criminalizing consensual sex acts among adults creates a black market which worsens the problem of forced human trafficking rather than reducing it. They decry the paternalistic attitude of what they disparagingly call "rescue missions", law enforcement raids that regard all sex workers as in need of "saving" fail to distinguish the minority of sex workers who are coerced from the vast majority who engage in sex work voluntarily.[15] Furthermore, liberal feminists such as Ronald Weitzer and Gayle Rubin, argue that the definition of sex work as inherently violent has created a “moral panic” that influences political discourse.[9][16] They contend that this "panic" has led to the construction of a trafficking victim who may actually be a woman migrating for work. These feminists argue that this can backfire because it does not protect those women who voluntarily enter into sex work.[15]

Criminalization

Opponents of the sex workers' rights movement, such as Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond, argue that sex work should be criminalized and abolished because legalization can increase incidences of human trafficking. The New UN Trafficking Protocol by Raymond argues that many victims are trafficked to countries in which sex work is legalized or decriminalized, and because they are trafficked under the guise of migrants they are not protected. Raymond also argues that it is impossible to separate the exploitation experienced by local prostitutes from the exploitative experiences of trafficked prostitutes, as they are very similar. Thus, to end sex slavery, the report declares that everyone involved in sex work needs to be criminalized so that the industry can be abolished.[17] Similarly, Farley argues that engagement in voluntary sex work is a decision made by women in the absence of alternative choices,[18] and that it therefore cannot accurately be described as a voluntary and freely made choice.

Legality of prostitution

Most activists campaigning for the formation of policies that protect sex workers from violence fall into two main categories: abolitionism or criminalization, and legalization or decriminalization.[19]

Abolitionism or criminalization

Early reformers identified the key problem with prostitution as male lust that lured innocent women into a depraved life as prostitutes.[19] Thus, abolitionist proponents believe that prostitution is an exploitative system that is harmful to the women involved.[20] Therefore, these activists believe that in order to prevent violence against women, customers, pimps and panderers should be punished so that the entire institution can be demolished.[21] Because this policy approach is built upon the idea that women are helpless victims, opponents of this view believe that it is paternalistic and not empowering to women.[19]

A study by Melissa Farley, a well-known criminalization proponent, and colleagues, suggests that violence is an intrinsic part of prostitution in which the chances of experiencing violence increases along with the number of years involved in prostitution. This study also concludes that prostitution tends to be multi-traumatic in all forms.[22] Farley and colleagues also used the Netherlands as an example of a country to support the idea that legalized prostitution can still inflict harm on those involved. They stated that over 90% of the sex workers tend to show symptoms of PTSD. Therefore, these proponents advocate for abolitionism and criminalization as a method of protecting sex workers.[22]

Criminalization proponents believe that the way to protect women from interpersonal violence is to punish both sex workers and customers for partaking in the buying and selling of sex.[19]

Support for criminalization

Many proponents of abolitionism or criminalization of prostitution commonly use ten reasons based on studies done on the effects of prostitution in countries where it is legalized or decriminalized.[23]

Legalization or decriminalization

Legalization or decriminalization proponents, on the other hand, believe that the selling and buying of sex exchange will continue no matter what. Therefore, the only way to effectively prevent violence is to acknowledge this and for government to build policies and laws that deal with the issue through regulation of the business.[19] Legalization/Decriminalization proponents believe that a system that prohibits prostitution creates an oppressive environment for prostitutes.[24] Proponents of this view also recommend that policies are built that places restrictions on trafficking and exploitation of sex workers.[25]

Support for decriminalization

The legalization of sex work often entails additional restrictions and requirements placed on sex workers as well as registering with official government offices. Additionally, many activists favor decriminalization over legalization. Decriminalization involves a focus on laws which protect the rights of sex workers, such as those against coercion into or to stay in sex work, while all consensual sexual contact between adult sex workers and adult clients would not be criminalized.[19]

Ronald Weitzer, a well-known proponent for the legalization/decriminalization of prostitution, stated that the use of nonscientific evidence about prostitution has contributed to a "moral panic" because opponents commonly use the argument that prostitution is inherently violent and unable to be regulated. However, he also claims that other governments have been able to reject this notion and find ways to regulate it and uses Nevada as an example. .[16]

Below are some of the main premises that the pro-legalization and pro-decriminalization of prostitution movement rests upon.[26]

Employment

Depending on regional law, sex workers' activities may be regulated, controlled, tolerated, or prohibited. For example, prostitution is illegal in many countries, but it is fully legalized in several jurisdictions, including the Netherlands, Germany, some Australian states, and several counties in the US state of Nevada.

Strip club employment issues

In both Canada and the UK, dancers in strip clubs are independent contractors who face significant problems that they are unable to rectify because of their inability to challenge employers through organized action.[27][28][29]

Entry fees

In the UK, a study was conducted which inquired about dancers’ experiences to get a better understanding to determine whether or not it could be costly for women to work some nights. It stated that often when the club offered promotions with gimmicks, dancers would be required to work without payment. Furthermore, dancers may be required to promote events without pay as part of the house rules. If they tried to complain, the club owners would threaten to dismiss them. Thus, the study suggests that strip club workers in the UK operate under vulnerable conditions without the capacity to organize for better working conditions. Moreover, the study states that dancers are also required to pay their “house moms” and the DJs, as well as being pressured to buy drinks for their customers and other dancers, which hampers their profit-making ability.[27]

House fees

The fees of dancers’ house fees can be large and sometimes they are not waived or lowered when business is slow. Also, clubs may continue to hire women even during bad economic downturns. Therefore, dancers feel that their earning potential is lowered.[27]

Commission

In addition to house fees and entry fees, many dancers are not paid for their stage shows because they are considered a part of self-advertisement. This is also considered another rule that comes along with their job description. In the UK, the club generally takes thirty percent commission.[27]

Fines and tips

The final way clubs make money is through fines and tips. This study found that there could be a fine for something such as chewing gum or having gum in a bag that ranges from twenty to thirty pounds. The most common fines were chewing gum, using cellular phones on the floor, and tardiness. It goes on to say that some dancers may have to pay to take time off. Dancers also tip people that work in the club such as waitresses and doormen in order to get them to direct customers to them. Other reasons that motivate dancers to tip include tipping security so that the dancers will not be fined and tipping DJs to be called during good song and opportune times.[27]

Registration process

In the Canadian city of Toronto, workers must be in possession of an adult entertainer license that is only provided following a criminal record check and the submission of a form. Applicants are initially charged about C$$400 and are required to pay an annual C$270 renewal fee. Municipal bylaws govern the standards that workers must abide by to maintain their license.[29]

Unlawful or inappropriate customer behavior

A survey undertaken by the Toronto city council in 2012 was for the purpose informing a reconsideration of the regulations around licensing for strip club-based sex workers. The most significant aspect was a reappraisal of the “no touching” rule so that it specified areas of the body to prevent people being fined in the event of acceptable casual physical contact. Of those sex workers who responded to the survey, 67 percent stated that they had been sexually assaulted or touched without their consent, while they further documented the responses from their employers: 2 percent called the police, 34 percent asked the customer to leave, 22 percent ignored the incident, 4 percent blamed the stripper and 14 percent dismissed the incidents as part of the job.[28][29]

By country

India

On March 10, 2014, the All India Network of Sex Workers, an umbrella group of sex worker organizations, campaigned for pension rights. Representative of 90 sex worker organisations across 16 Indian states, the Network presented a letter explaining that sex workers in India are not treated equally in social security terms, stating: "Sex workers, including their family members, can't access various social entitlements which are offered to citizens in general. We consider sex work like any other occupation belonging to the unorganised sector and we should be brought under the universal pension scheme." A spokesperson for the Network also informed the media that sex workers in India retire "by the age of 40-45 years", an earlier age than the broader population.[30]

Netherlands

A study by Janice Raymond states that there can be many detrimental consequences to legalizing and decriminalizing prostitution. One consequence mentioned was that prostitution can been seen as a suitable and normal option for the poor. Therefore, poor women can be easily exploited when there is a lack of sexual services which does not lead to their empowerment.[31] Melissa Farley supported this idea with an analysis stating that most women do not rationally decide to enter prostitution; rather, the decision is made as a survival choice and that there are certain circumstances can drive women into the field of prostitution, leaving them with a choice that is more along the lines of voluntary slavery. Thus, it is merely used as a surviving strategy.[18]

Furthermore, Raymond states that businesses in the sex industry are able to offer services to any men which has led to more gender inequality because women have to accept that prostitution is a new norm. She supported this by saying that even disabled men are able to receive sexual services and their caregivers (mostly women) are required to take them to these establishments and assist them in engaging in sexual acts. Another consequence Raymond mentioned was that child prostitution has increased in the Netherlands. She suggests this is because the Netherlands has created a prostitution-promoting environment through laws concerning children that make it easier for abusers to use children without penalty. She also adds that the distinction between voluntary and forced prostitution could be detrimental because it can be argued that the thought of someone being forced into prostitution can be exciting for some men because it may be a part of clients' fantasies.[31] Finally, another study states that the legalization or decriminalization can be detrimental because studies that surveyed sex workers where it is legal concluded that violence is accepted as part of the job with the universal experience of molestation and abuse.[18]

United States

Hawaii

A decision by the House and the Senate in Hawaii is expected in May 2014 after police agreed in March 2014 not to oppose the revision of a law that was implemented in the 1970s, allowing undercover police officers to engage in sexual relations with sex workers during the course of investigations. Following initial protest from supporters of the legislation, all objections were retracted on March 25, 2014. A Honolulu police spokeswoman informed TIME magazine that, at the time of the court's decision, no reports had been made in regard to the abuse of the exemption by police, while a Hawaiian senator stated to the media: “I suppose that in retrospect the police probably feel somewhat embarrassed about this whole situation." However, the Pacifica Alliance to Stop Slavery and other advocates affirmed their knowledge of police brutality in this area and explained that the fear of retribution is the main deterrent for sex workers who seek to report offending officers. At a Hawaiian Senate Judiciary Committee hearing, also in March 2014, an attorney testified that his client was raped three times by Hawaiian police before prostitution was cited as the reason for her subsequent arrest.[32]

Nevada

Barbara Brents and Kathryn Hausbeck state in their study that the legalization of prostitution in Nevada's brothels allows for improved regulation and protection for both businesses and workers.[19] Academic Ronald Weitzer supports this idea by citing the impact of the numerous safety measures that ensure the safety of the workers.[33]

Brents and Hausbeck's case study of Nevada's brothels entailed examples of how they believe protection mechanisms were designed to account for the entire process of each individual job—that is the time that a sex worker is with a customer. They started by saying that the negotiation process for sex workers in Nevada requires the use of an intercom during the process so that workers will not betray the business owners and so that owners can know if the customers are putting the workers at risk. After the price is negotiated, the money is paid and taken out of the room by the sex worker. At that point, the sex workers have the opportunity to let security guards know if there is anything unsafe or uncomfortable about the situation so that security can be alerted. Another protection mechanism requires security to interrupt the workers after the allotted period of time to demand that the customers either leave or renegotiate the price, so that sex workers are not coerced or forced into providing additional services without a fee. Finally, the study concludes that sex workers are offered protection from one another in brothels because of strictly enforced rules and the relationships that brothels have been able to build with local law enforcement officials.[19] According to some legalization supporters, this protection creates an environment that can be empowering for women to work in.[33]

Additionally, proponents argue that workers must also comply with health regulations and engage in preventative practices. They state that this compliance leads to a system that becomes mutually advantageous for brothels and sex workers, because a perception of safety by workers is profitable for the brothel.[19] In brothels in Nevada, it is a requirement for sex workers to be tested and verified as healthy. Afterwards, they are required to be checked on a periodic basis for certain STIs. Condom usage is also mandatory and this is advertised by the brothels so that customers know beforehand. Finally, sex workers are able to examine the customers before any services are given to make sure there are no signs of visible STIs. If there are any suspicions, the worker is allowed to refund the customer and refuse service.[19]

Risks associated with sex work

Sexually transmitted infections (STIs)

In countries where sex work is either criminalized or illegal, or both, sex workers face many potential threats of violence. One major threat of violence is the risk that they may contract a sexually transmitted infection (STI) due to their labor and context-dependent barriers that can be either structural (government) or individual (fear) in nature.[34] Since street-based violence can be commonplace, this further increases their susceptibility to contracting a disease due to factors such as coercion or rape, as they lack the ability to demand that a condom is used or to refuse service. In addition, the World Health Organization states that sex workers have been known to be refused health services when seeking out disease prevention and treatment because of the nature of their occupation.[35] Furthermore, sex workers are also afraid to seek out health services for problems because of structural barriers that prevent them from knowing about and utilizing services that could teach them better prevention methods.[36]

A particular example of the disease threats sex workers are faced with can be demonstrated via a study conducted in Cambodia where the rate of HIV has increased. This report studied the prevalence of HIV among a group of indirect sex workers in Cambodia called "beer promotion girls", women employed by distributors to promote and sell beers. The study found that they have the highest rate of HIV because they often sell sex as a means of supplementing their salary. This report also found that among indirect sex workers the condom usage rate is lower because they may be getting paid more for sex without condoms. It concluded by explaining how disease prevention campaigns often target direct sex workers, such as those who work in a brothel, and neglect the women in other areas of sex work who are also at risk of contracting STIs.[37] Thus, advocates of the legalization/decriminalization of prostitution believe policies need to be designed to target any sex worker who may be in a vulnerable position.[38]

Trans women who are sex workers are at particular risk for HIV. The seroprevalence of HIV among trans women sex workers internationally has been estimated at 27.3 percent.[39] Furthermore, sex work is prevalent amongst transgender people, particularly young trans women.

Physical violence

Likewise, the World Health Organization report says that criminalization creates an environment where women are less likely to report crimes against them and accept the possibility of violence such as rape, murder, beatings, and kidnapping as a part of the job description. The report also states that sex workers are even at risk of being harassed, humiliated, and coerced into sex with local law enforcement.[35] Although these are some of the common threats that both decriminalizing/legalizing and criminalizing/decriminalizing prostitution hope to address and reduce, another study concludes that the rates of victimization of prostitutes are not nearly as high as some studies claim.[40]

Advocacy

Information about unionization of sex work and non-governmental organizations: Sex worker:Advocacy

Sex worker activists and advocates, including many libertarian organizations such as the Reason Foundation and the Libertarian Party in the United States, argue that sex workers should have the same basic human and labor rights as other working people.[41] According to Jacqueline Comte, there are three different stances when it comes to the issues around sex work: abolitionism, sex-positive feminism and decriminalization. She argues that decriminalization is the best stance based on her found research. This will allow for better working conditions, police protection and less violence against sex workers.[42]

In June 2014, the Government of Canada tried to pass Bill C36, which would criminalize the purchase, selling or advertising of sexual services. Organizations like Stella L'amie de Maimie, tried to put pressure to vote against the bill. This is an organization that is fighting for sex workers to have a voice and to have the same rights to health and security as everyone else. They argue that criminalization will have negative impacts, like increased violence, more coercion and human trafficking. Part of this organization is about free condom distribution and information and tools by and for sex workers.[43]

Sonagachi is a project in India that is well known for its HIV prevention. They promote consistent condom use which has resulted in significant decreases in Sexually transmitted infection (STI). This project's focus is on promoting and protecting sex worker's human and labor rights.

The three tactics that they, and other advocate groups, use for their goal is:

Similarly to Stella and other organizations like Urban Justice Center , Sonagachi wants to give a voice to sex workers because they know what is best for them and what needs to be improved. The principle of these organizations is that sex work is a job, and it should be respected just like any other job. [44]

Another viewpoint that some activists take is legalization, which would allow sex workers to undertake their work in improved, organized circumstances (e.g., legal brothels), where standard industry practices (e.g., practicing condom use and regular health checkups for sex workers) could reduce the transmission of HIV and other STIs.[45] Many sex workers are asking for their work to be decriminalized and legalized to facilitate them seeking help if they are victims of violence. The advocacy groups are the voices to push countries to make a change and end the stigma around sex work.[46]

To be informed on a specific group or organization in a certain area visit SWAAY: Sex work activists, allies, and you

The red umbrella

The red umbrella symbol was introduced by sex workers in Venice, Italy in 2001, as part of the 49th Venice Biennale of Art. Sex workers also held a street demonstration, the Red Umbrellas March, in Venice to protest inhumane work conditions and human rights abuses.[47] The International Committee on the Rights of Sex Workers in Europe (ICRSE) adopted the red umbrella as a symbol of resistance to discrimination in 2005.[47]

For International Women's Day (IWD) in March 2014, sex worker organizations and activists throughout the world used the red umbrella in activities of celebration and protest. For example, flash mob events in which the red umbrella was used were held in Sydney, Australia; London, UK; Bochum, Germany; Thailand; the Netherlands; and Peru.[48][49][50][51][52]

Regional organizations

Although research about the sex worker movement has been conducted mainly in North American and Western European countries, sex worker-led mobilization has occurred around the world. Such actions seek to influence policies so that sex work is recognized as a legitimate profession and sufficient rights are provided to sex workers.

Australia

Scarlet Alliance is the peak body for sex worker organizations in Australia and campaigns for the full decriminalization of sex work, in addition to providing HIV/AIDS outreach and education to sex workers.[53] The country has been credited with better sex worker occupational health and safety, high condom use, and the lowest STI and HIV rates around the world. Furthermore, the now-defunct Prostitutes Collective of Victoria (PCV), founded in Melbourne, Victoria, was the first sex workers’ organization in the world to receive government funding (the organization was renamed "Resourcing Health Education for the Sex Industry (RhED)" and became part of the Inner South Community Health Service, but, as of 2013, is a different kind of organization).

Africa

SWEAT (Sex Worker Education and Advocacy Task) is an advocacy organization located in Cape Town, South Africa with the goal of providing education and public health services to sex workers. They also lobby for the decriminalization of sex work and have recently begun a research program in 2003 with the goal of influencing future policy pertaining to sex workers.[54]

Asia

The Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers (APNSW) was formed in 1994 to advance the rights of sex workers in Asia and to provide direct support to Asian sex workers, particularly in relation to human rights issues and HIV support services.[55] Australian-born sex worker activist Andrew Hunter was instrumental in the development of APNSW, as well as a contributor to the growth of the Global Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP), and his significant history of activism is internationally recognized.[56]

Europe

TAMPEP is organization that was founded in 1993. Its aims are to help migrant sex workers in more than twenty-five European nations especially focusing on the public health needs of those workers in Central and Eastern Europe. It also examines the legislative framework that sex work takes place within in order to suggest better policies that would protect sex workers. Some of the outreach methods used to assist sex workers include outreach and education and cultural and peer mediators. Some of the results of research carried out include identification of migrant sex workers and barriers to protection of their rights and the creation of networks between sex workers, organizations, and medical care.[57][58]

North America

The Sex Professionals of Canada (SPOC) is a national, voluntary, sex worker-run organization that is funded entirely by donations. Founded in 1983, the organization seeks to decriminalize all forms of sex work in Canada through advocacy and education.[59][60]

South America

The Network of Sex Workers in Latin America and the Caribbean (RedTraSex) was organized in 1997 in fifteen countries to fight for the rights of sex workers. So far, the organization has influenced policy in certain countries and has interacted with the president Rafael Correa of Ecuador and Luis Ignacio Lula de Silva in Brazil. One achievement made in Latin America has been the sex worker identification card that has been issued in Bolivia. Furthermore, more sex workers have been included in HIV and health services education.[61][62]

International organizations

Global Network of Sex Work Projects (NSWP)

NSWP is an organization that was founded in 1990 by sex workers from different nations at the 2nd International Conference for NGOs working on AIDS in Paris, France. The organization has received financial support from bodies such as the Open Society Foundations,[63] and states that it "conducts a mix of pro-active and re-active policy advocacy to support human rights and evidence based approaches to female, male and transgendered sex workers and strengthening sex worker communities," while "organising at and international (including regional) level brings local and national level experiences to bear in international debates."[64][65]

NSWP is largely responsible for the language shift—most notably, the use of the term "sex worker" instead of "prostitute"—that corresponds with a genuine recognition of sex workers' human rights. The organization's advocacy work has included HIV/AIDS, addressing sex worker discrimination,[66] and participating in research about the profession. NSWP created the publication, Research for Sex Work, for activists, health workers, and NGOs.[67]

During the 2012 International AIDS Conference, held in Kolkata, India, sex worker activists from different countries formed the Sex Worker Freedom Festival (SWFF) as an alternative event for sex workers and allies. The week-long festival included activity in the Sonagachi red-light area[68] and represented a protest against the exclusion of sex workers. The event also sought to ensure that the perspectives of sex workers were heard in meetings held in Washington D.C., US. A report, entitled "Solidarity Is Not A Crime", was published by NSWP in April 2014 and is described by the organization as "a snapshot of curated content outlining a significant and historical moment in the Sex Worker Rights Movement".[69]

World Health Organization (WHO)

The World Health Organization has released a report focusing on the violence that sex workers face and their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. It included currently used intervention strategies as well as policy recommendations from the WHO Sex Work Toolkit.[35] Furthermore, another report addressing HIV prevention in middle to low-income countries was released with policy guidelines based off research conducted by the organization which recommended that sex work be decriminalized and called for the elimination of unjust application of non-criminal laws and regulations against sex workers.[70]

United Nations (UN)

UNAIDS has written a report with policy suggestions in Asia and the Pacific that includes case studies to support ways to improve access to health services in Asia and the Pacific. It also addresses some of the factors that hinder sex workers from accessing health services. Furthermore, the UN released a development report titled Sex Work and the Law in Asia and the Pacific discussing the policies surrounding sex work in Asian and Pacific countries, the effects these laws have on sex workers, and policy recommendations. Some of the policy recommendations for governments included decriminalizing sex work and activities associated with it, providing sex workers with work related protections, and supporting sex workers' access to health services.[71]

They have also released a 2011-2015 strategy report titled Getting to Zero that aims for the vision of “Zero new HIV infections. Zero discrimination. Zero AIDS-related deaths.” The report states that its goals include reducing HIV transmission by half, getting universal access to antiretroviral therapy for those living with HIV, and reducing the number of countries with punitive laws around HIV transmission, sex work, drug use, or homosexual activity by half all by 2015.[72]

International Labor Organization (ILO)

Similarly, the ILO has released reports suggesting policies that could be put into place that would address the vulnerabilities that sex workers encounter due to the nature of their jobs. Most of the reports deal with ways to decrease the number of workers that contract HIV/AIDS so that the disease is not spread to the general population. It also supports the "Getting to Zero" mission and has found different ways to implement the primary policy initiative,Recommendation 200. This recommendation states that "Measures be taken in and through the workplace to facilitate access to HIV prevention, treatment, care and support services for workers, their families and dependents." The publication discusses some of the different ways that they have implemented programs that target both sex workers and their clients in different countries worldwide.[73]

Another report released by the ILO examines sex work in Cambodia by evaluating direct and indirect sex work in various settings and case studies with sex workers in order to conclude with policy suggestions that can be used to decrease the rate of HIV/AIDS transmission among sex workers, their clients, and to the general population also. Some of the key recommendations from this report suggest addressing violence and abuse that is work-related, expanding unions to include indirect sex workers, bringing a workplace perspective to prevention care and health strategies, and coordinating health and safety interventions within the workplace. Under each category more specific initiatives that can be implemented were also included.[74]

Dates of significance

March 3: International Sex Workers’ Rights Day

This day began when over 25,000 sex workers gathered in India for a festival organized by a Calcutta-based group called Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (Unstoppable Women's Synthesis Committee) despite protests pressuring the government to revoke the permit for the parade in 2001.[75]

June 2: International Sex Workers' Day

This day began June 2, 1975 in Lyon, France when a group of sex workers met in a church to express their anger about exploitative living conditions and the criminalization they face because of their work.[75]

August 3: China Sex Worker Day

In 2009 the Chinese Grassroots Women’s Rights Center designated this day to fight the discrimination that faces Chinese sex workers.[75]

December 17: International Day to End Violence against Sex Workers

In 2003, Dr. Anne Sprinkle founded the Sex Workers Outreach Project USA and held a vigil on this day for the victims of the Green River Killer and this day has been commemorated ever since to remember the victims of violent crimes and fight discrimination of crimes related to sex work.[75]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Shah, Svati P. (2011). "Sex Work and Women's Movements". CREA Publication.
  2. ↑ Prostitution in Sweden|"The laws on prostitution in Sweden make it illegal to buy sexual services, but not to sell them."
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  4. 1 2 McElroy, Wendy. "A Feminist Defense of Pornography". Free Inquiry Magazine, Vol. 17, No. 4. Retrieved 18 March 2013.
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  6. ↑ MacKinnon, Catherine A. (1993). Only Words. Harvard University Press.
  7. ↑ Segal, Lynn (1993). Sex Exposed: Sexuality and the Pornography Debate. USA: Rutgers University Press.
  8. 1 2 Rubin, Gayle. Misguided, Dangerous, and Wrong: an Analysis of Anti-pornography Politics.
  9. 1 2 Rubin, Gayle. Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality.
  10. ↑ Chancer, Lynn (September 2000). "From Pornography to Sadomasochism: Reconciling Feminist Differences". Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 571: 77–88. doi:10.1177/0002716200571001006.
  11. ↑ Lynn, Chancer (February 1996). "Feminist Offensives: "Defending Pornography" and the Splitting of Sex from Sexism". Stanford Law Review 48 (3): 739–760.
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  21. ↑ Hughes, Donna."Legalizing Prostitution Will Not Stop the Harm". 1999.
  22. 1 2 Farley, Melissa et al. "Prostitution and Trafficking in Nine Countries: An Update on Violence and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder".
  23. 1 2 Raymond, Janice. 2003. "Ten Reasons for Not Legalizing Prostitution" http://www.prostitutionresearch.com/ten-reasons.html.
  24. ↑ Kempadoo, Kamala. "Globalizing Sex Workers' Rights" Canadian Women's Studies. 2003.
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  70. ↑ Prevention and Treatment of HIV and other Sexually Transmitted Infections for Sex Workers in Low- and Middle-Income Countries: Recommendations for a Public Health Approach. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization. December 2012.
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  72. ↑ Getting to Zero (PDF) (Report). UNAIDS. December 2010. ISBN 9789291738830. Retrieved 2 April 2016.
  73. ↑ International Labor Organization. "Reaching Out to Sex Workers and their Clients".
  74. ↑ International Labor Organization (2011). "Cambodia-Addressing HIV Vulnerabilities of Indirect Sex Workers during the Financial Crisis". ILO Publications.
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