Sinicization

This article is about cultural assimilation. For the linguistic meaning, see Transcription into Chinese characters.

Sinicization, sinicisation, sinofication, or sinification, (Chinese: 汉化; pinyin: Hànhuà), also called chinalization (Chinese: 中国化; pinyin: Zhōngguóhuà), is a process whereby non-Han Chinese societies come under the influence of Han Chinese state and society. Areas of influence include alphabet, diet, economics, industry, language, law, lifestyle, politics, religion, sartorial choices, technology, culture, and cultural values. More broadly, "Sinicization" may refer to policies of acculturation, assimilation, or cultural imperialism of neighbouring cultures to China, depending on historical political relations. This is reflected in the histories of Korea, Vietnam, Taiwan and Japan in the East Asian cultural sphere, for example, in the adoption of the Chinese writing system.

Integration

The integration policy is a type of nationalism aimed at strengthening of the Chinese identity among population. Proponents believe integration will help to develop shared values, pride in being the country’s citizen, respect and acceptance towards cultural differences among citizens of China. Critics argue that integration destroys ethnic diversity, language diversity, and cultural diversity. Analogous to North America with approximately 300 Native American languages and distinct ethnic groups, in China there are 292 non-Mandarin languages spoken by native peoples of the region. There are also a number of immigrant languages, such as Khmer, Portuguese, English, etc.

Historical examples of sinicization

Austronesian peoples

Before sinicization, Austronesian speakers spread down the coast of southern China past Taiwan as far as the Gulf of Tonkin. In times, the southward spread of Han Chinese led to the sinicization of all Austronesian speakers population that remained on the mainland, whether in the Yangtse Valley or in coastal areas from the mouth of the Yangtse to the Gulf of Tonkin (a process that continues today in Taiwan).[1]

Turkic peoples

Descendants of Uyghurs who migrated to Taoyuan County, Hunan have largely assimilated into the Han Chinese and Hui population and practice Chinese customs, speaking Chinese as their language.

Tang dynasty

During the 8th and 9th centuries in the Tang dynasty, Chinese soldiers moved into Guizhou (Kweichow) and married native women, their descendants being known as Lao-han-jen (original Chinese), in contrast to new Chinese people who colonized Guizhou at later times. They still speak an archaic dialect.[2] Many immigrants to Guizhou were descended from these soldiers in garrisons who married non-Chinese women.[3]

Yuan dynasty

The Mongol Yuan dynasty appointed a Muslim from Bukhara, Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar, as governor of Yunnan after conquering the Kingdom of Dali. Sayyid Ajjall then promoted Sinicization and Confucianization of the non-Han Chinese peoples in Yunnan during his reign. Sayyid Ajjal founded a "Chinese style" city where modern Kunming is today, called Zhongjing Cheng. He ordered that a Buddhist temple, a Confucian temple, and two mosques be built in the city.[4] Advocating Confucianism was part of his policy. The Confucian temple that Sayyid Ajjall built in 1274, which also doubled as a school, was the first Confucian temple ever to be built in Yunnan.[5]

Both Confucianism and Islam were promoted by Sayyid Ajall in his "civilizing mission" during his time in Yunnan.[6] Sayyid Ajall viewed Yunnan as "backward and barbarian" and utilized Confucianism, Islam, and Buddhism for "civilizing" the area.[7]

In Yunnan, the widespread presence of Islam is credited to Sayyid Ajjal's work.[8]

Sayyid Ajjal was first to bring Islam to Yunnan. He promoted Confucianism and Islam by ordering construction of mosques and temples of Confucianism.[9] Sayyid Ajjal also introduced Confucian education into Yunnan.[10][11] He was described as making 'the orangutans and butcherbirds became unicorns and phonixes and their felts and furs were exchanged for gowns and caps', and praised by the Regional Superintendent of Confucian studies, He Hongzuo.[12]

Shams al-Din constructed numerous Confucian temples in Yunnan, and promoted Confucian education. He is best known among Chinese for helping sinicize Yunnan province.[13] He also built multiple mosques in Yunnan as well.

Confucian rituals and traditions were introduced to Yunnan by Sayyid Ajall.[14] Several Confucian temples and schools were founded by him. Chinese social structures, Chinese funeral rituals and Chinese marriage customs were spread to the natives by Sayyid Ajall.[7][15]

The aim of Sayyid Ajall's policy of promoting Confucianism and education in Yunnan was to "civilize" the native "barbarians". Confucian rituals were taught to students in newly founded schools by Sichuanese scholars, and Confucian temples were built.[16][17] The natives of Yunnan were instructed in Confucian ceremonies like weddings, matchmaking, funerals, ancestor worship, and kowtow by Sayyid Ajall. The native leaders has their "barbarian" clothing replaced by clothing given to them by Sayyid Ajall.[17][18]

Both Marco Polo and Rashid al-Din recorded that Yunnan was heavily populated by Muslims during the Yuan Dynasty, with Rashid naming a city with all Muslim inhabitants as the 'great city of Yachi'.[19] It has been suggested that Yachi was Dali City (Ta-li). Dali had many Hui people.[20]

His son Nasir al-Din became Governor of Yunnan in 1279 after sayyid Ajjal died.[21][22]

The historian Jacqueline Armijo-Hussein has written on Sayyid Ajall's Confucianization and Sinicization policies, in her dissertation Sayyid 'Ajall Shams al-Din: A Muslim from Central Asia, serving the Mongols in China, and bringing 'civilization' to Yunnan,[23] the paper The Origins of Confucian and Islamic Education in Southwest China: Yunnan in the Yuan Period,[24] and The Sinicization and Confucianization in Chinese and Western Historiography of a Muslim from Bukhara Serving Under the Mongols in China.[25]

Ming dynasty

Massive military campaigns were launched by the Ming dynasty during the Miao Rebellions against the southern aboriginal Miao, Yao, and other tribes, settled thousands of Han and Hui in their land after crushing and killing the aboriginals.

During the Ming conquest of Yunnan Chinese military soldiers were settled in Yunnan, and many married the native women.

Qing dynasty

The Manchu people became the rulers during the Qing dynasty. The "orthodox" historical view emphasized the power of Han Chinese to "sinicize" their conquerors, although more recent research such as the New Qing History school revealed Manchu rulers were savvy in their manipulation of their subjects and from the 1630s through at least the 18th century, the emperors developed a sense of Manchu identity and used Central Asian models of rule as much as Confucian ones. There is however evidence of sinicization. For example, Manchus originally had their own separate style of naming from the Han Chinese, but eventually adopted Han Chinese naming practices.

Manchu names consisted of more than the two or one syllable Chinese names, and when phonetically transcribed into Chinese, they made no sense at all.[26] The meaning of the names that Manchus used were also very different from the meanings of Chinese names.[27] The Manchus also gave numbers as personal names.[28]

They gave their children Chinese names, which were separate from the Manchu names, and even adopted the Chinese practice of generation names, although its usage was inconsistent and error ridden, eventually they stopped using Manchu names.[29]

The Niohuru family of the Manchu changed their family name to Lang, which sounded like "wolf" in Chinese, since wolf in Manchu was Niohuru.[30]

Although the Manchus replaced their Manchu names with Chinese personal names, the Manchu bannermen followed their traditional practice in typically used their first/personal name to address themselves and not their last name, while Han Chinese bannermen used their last name and first in normal Chinese style.[31][32]

Usage of surnames was not traditional to the Manchu while it was to the Han Chinese.[33]

Nguyen dynasty Vietnam

Vietnamese Nguyen Emperor Minh Mạng sinicized ethnic minorities such as Cambodians, claimed the legacy of Confucianism and China's Han dynasty for Vietnam, and used the term Han people 漢人 to refer to the Vietnamese.[34] Minh Mang declared that "We must hope that their barbarian habits will be subconsciously dissipated, and that they will daily become more infected by Han [Sino-Vietnamese] customs."[35] This policies were directed at the Khmer and hill tribes.[36] The Nguyen lord Nguyen Phuc Chu had referred to Vietnamese as "Han people" in 1712 when differentiating between Vietnamese and Chams.[37]

Minh Mang used the name "Trung Quốc" 中國 to refer to Vietnam.[38]

Chinese clothing was forced on Vietnamese people by the Nguyễn.[39][40][41][42]

Modern examples of sinicization

Kuomintang

The Kuomintang pursued a sinicization policy, it was stated that "the time had come to set about the business of making all natives either turn Chinese or get out." by foreign observers on the Kuomintang policy. It was noted that "Chinese colonization" of "Mongolia and Manchuria" led to the conclusion "to a conviction that the day of the barbarian was finally over."[43][44][45]

Ma Clique

Hui Muslim General Ma Fuxiang created an assimilationist group and encouraged the integration of Muslims into Chinese society.[46] Ma Fuxiang was a hardcore assimilationist and said that Hui should assimilate into Han.[47]

Xinjiang

The Hui Muslim 36th Division (National Revolutionary Army) governed southern Xinjiang in 1934–1937. The administration that was set up was colonial in nature, putting up street signs and names in Chinese, which used to be in only Uighur language. They lived much like Han Chinese, importing Han cooks and baths.[48] The Hui also switched carpet patterns from Uyghur to Han in state owned carpet factories.[49]

Taiwan

After the Republic of China took control of Taiwan in 1945 and relocated its capital to Taipei in 1949, the intention of Chiang Kai-shek was to eventually go back to mainland China and retake control of it. Chiang believed that to retake mainland China, it would be necessary to re-Sinicize Taiwan's inhabitants who had undergone assimilation under Japanese rule. Examples of this policy included the renaming of streets with mainland geographical names, use of Mandarin Chinese in schools and punishments for using other regional languages, and teaching students to revere traditional ethics, develop pan-Chinese nationalism, and view Taiwan from the perspective of China.[50][51] Other reasons for the policy were to combat the Japanese influences on the culture that had occurred in the previous 50 years, and to help unite the recent immigrants from mainland China that had come to Taiwan with the KMT and among whom there was a tendency to be more loyal to one's city, country or province than to China as a nation.[52]

The process of re-asserting non-Chinese identity, as in the case of ethnic groups in Taiwan, is sometimes known as desinicization.

Tibet

Main article: Sinicization of Tibet

The sinicization of Tibet is the change of Tibetan society to Han Chinese standards, by means of cultural assimilation, immigration, and political reform.[53][54]

In popular culture

In some forms of fiction, due to China's communist statehood, Soviet-themed characters are de-Sovietized and switched over to become Chinese to fit modern (post-Cold War) times. The original cut of the 2012 Red Dawn remake depicted a Chinese invasion before having said information leaked to the Global Times, sparking controversy in China and threatening its airing in the country (the invaders were changed to North Koreans).[55] In 2006, Chinese versions of the Crimson Dynamo and the Abomination were created and made members of the Liberators in Marvel Comics.

See also

References

  1. ↑ Prehistoric Settlement of the Pacific, Volume 86, Part 5.
  2. ↑ (English) Scottish Geographical Society (1929). Scottish geographical magazine, Volumes 45–46. Royal Scottish Geographical Society. p. 70. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  3. ↑ (English) Margaret Portia Mickey (1947). The Cowrie Shell Miao of Kweichow, Volume 32, Issue 1. The Museum. p. 6. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  4. ↑ Gaubatz, Piper Rae (1996). Beyond the Great Wall: Urban Form and Transformation on the Chinese Frontiers (illustrated ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 78. ISBN 0804723990. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  5. ↑ Tan Ta Sen (2009). Cheng Ho and Islam in Southeast Asia (illustrated, reprint ed.). Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 92. ISBN 9812308377. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  6. ↑ Atwood, Christopher P. "Sayyid Ajall 'Umar Shams-ud-Din". Encyclopedia of Mongolia and the Mongol Empire. New York: Facts On File, Inc., 2004. Ancient and Medieval History Online. Facts On File, Inc. http://www.fofweb.com/History/MainPrintPage.asp?iPin=EME454&DataType=Ancient&WinType=Free (accessed July 29, 2014).
  7. 1 2 Lane, George (June 29, 2011). "SAYYED AJALL". Encyclopædia Iranica. Encyclopædia Iranica. Retrieved 17 November 2012.
  8. ↑ M. Th Houtsma (1993). First encyclopaedia of Islam: 1913–1936. BRILL. p. 847. ISBN 90-04-09796-1. Retrieved December 20, 2011. Although Saiyid-i Adjall certainly did much for the propagation of Islam in Yunnan, it is his son Nasir al-Din to whom is ascribed the main credit for its dissemination. He was a minister and at first governed the province of Shansi : he later became governor of Yunnan where he died in 1292 and was succeeded by his brother Husain. It cannot be too strongly emphasised that the direction of this movement was from the interior, from the north. The Muhammadan colonies on the coast were hardly affected by it. On the other hand it may safely be assumed that the Muslims of Yunnan remained in constant communication with those of the northern provinces of Shensi and Kansu.
  9. ↑ (Original from the University of Virginia) Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Jāmi'at al-Malik 'Abd al-'Azīz. Ma'had Shu'ūn al Aqallīyat al-Muslimah (1986). Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Volumes 7–8. The Institute. p. 385. Retrieved December 20, 2011. certain that Muslims of Central Asian originally played a major role in the Yuan (Mongol) conquest and subsequent rule of south-west China, as a result of which a distinct Muslim community was established in Yunnan by the late 13th century AD. Foremost among these soldier-administrators was Sayyid al-Ajall Shams al-Din Umar al-Bukhari (Ch. Sai-tien-ch'ih shan-ssu-ting). a court official and general of Turkic origin who participated in the Mongol invasion of Szechwan ... And Yunnan in c. 1252, and who became Yuan Governor of the latter province in 1274–79. Shams al-Din—who is widely believed by the Muslims of Yunnan to have introduced Islam to the region—is represented as a wise and benevolent ruler, who successfully "pacified and comforted" the people of Yunnan, and who is credited with building Confucian temples, as well as mosques and schools
  10. ↑ Liu, Xinru (2001). The Silk Road in World History. Oxford University Press. p. 116. ISBN 019979880X. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  11. ↑ The Hui ethnic minority
  12. ↑ Thant Myint-U (2011). Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia. Macmillan. ISBN 1-4668-0127-1. Retrieved December 20, 2011. claimed descent from the emir of Bokhara ... and was appointed as the top administrator in Yunnan in the 1270s. Today the Muslims of Yunnan regard him as the founder of their community, a wise and benevolent ruler who 'pacified and comforted' the peoples of Yunnan. Sayyid Ajall was officially the Director of Political Affairs of the Regional Secretariat of Yunnan ... According to Chinese records, he introduced new agricultural technologies, constructed irrigation systems, and tried to raise living standards. Though a Muslims, he built or rebuilt Confucian temples and created a Confucian education system. His contemporary, He Hongzuo, the Regional Superintendent of Confucian studies, wrote that through his efforts 'the orangutans and butcherbirds became unicorns and phonixes and their felts and furs were exchanged for gowns and caps' ...
  13. ↑ Michael Dillon (1999). China's Muslim Hui community: migration, settlement and sects. Richmond: Curzon Press. p. 23. ISBN 0-7007-1026-4. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  14. ↑ Rachewiltz, Igor de, ed. (1993). In the Service of the Khan: Eminent Personalities of the Early Mongol-Yüan Period (1200–1300). Volume 121 of Asiatische Forschungen. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. 476. ISBN 3447033398. ISSN 0571-320X. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  15. ↑ Rachewiltz, Igor de, ed. (1993). In the Service of the Khan: Eminent Personalities of the Early Mongol-Yüan Period (1200–1300). Volume 121 of Asiatische Forschungen. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. 477. ISBN 3447033398. ISSN 0571-320X. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  16. ↑ Yang, Bin (2009). Between winds and clouds: the making of Yunnan (second century BCE to twentieth century CE). Columbia University Press. p. 154. ISBN 0231142544. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  17. 1 2 Yang, Bin (2008). "Chapter 5 Sinicization and Indigenization: The Emergence of the Yunnanese". Between winds and clouds: the making of Yunnan (second century BCE to twentieth century CE) (PDF). Columbia University Press. ISBN 0231142544. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  18. ↑ Yang, Bin (2009). Between winds and clouds: the making of Yunnan (second century BCE to twentieth century CE). Columbia University Press. p. 157. ISBN 0231142544. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  19. ↑ (Original from the University of Virginia) Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Jāmi'at al-Malik 'Abd al-'Azīz. Ma'had Shu'ūn al Aqallīyat al-Muslimah (1986). Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Volumes 7–8. The Institute. p. 174. Retrieved December 20, 2011. from the Yuan Dynasty, and indicated further Muslim settlement in northeastern and especially southwestern Yunnan. Marco Polo, who travelled through Yunnan "Carajan" at the beginning of the Yuan period, noted the presence of "Saracens" among the population. Similarly, the Persian historian Rashid al-Din (died 1318 AD) recorded in his Jami' ut-Tawarikh that the 'great city of Yachi' in Yunnan was exclusively inhabited by Muslims.
  20. ↑ (Original from the University of Virginia) Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Jāmi'at al-Malik 'Abd al-'Azīz. Ma'had Shu'ūn al Aqallīyat al-Muslimah (1986). Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Volumes 7–8. The Institute. p. 387. Retrieved December 20, 2011. when Maroco Polo visited Yunnan in the early Yuan period he noted the presence of "Saracens" among the population while the Persian historian Rashid al-Din (died 1318 AD) recorded in his Jami' ut-Tawarikh that 'the great city of Yachi' in Yunnan was exclusively inhabited by Muslims. Rashid al-Din may have been referring to the region around Ta-li in western Yunnan, which was to emerge as the earliest centre of Hui Muslim settlement in the province.
  21. ↑ ( )Thant Myint-U (2011). Where China Meets India: Burma and the New Crossroads of Asia. Macmillan. ISBN 1-4668-0127-1. Retrieved December 20, 2011. In this way, Yunnan became known to the Islamic world. When Sayyid Ajall died in 1279 he was succeeded by his son Nasir al-Din who governed for give years and led the invasion of Burma. His younger brother became the Transport Commissioner and the entire family entrenched their influence.
  22. ↑ (Original from the University of Virginia) Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Jāmi'at al-Malik 'Abd al-'Azīz. Ma'had Shu'ūn al Aqallīyat al-Muslimah (1986). Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Volumes 7–8. The Institute. p. 385. Retrieved December 20, 2011. On his death he was succeeded by his eldest son, Nasir al-Din (Ch. Na-su-la-ting, the "Nescradin" of Marco Polo), who governed Yunnan between 1279 and I284. While Arab and South Asian Muslims, pioneers of the maritime expansion of Islam in the Bay of Bengal, must have visited the
  23. ↑ Dissertations in Central Eurasian Studies
  24. ↑ Session 8: Individual Papers: New Work on Confucianism, Buddhism, and Islam from Han to Yuan
  25. ↑ Gladney, Dru C. (1996). Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic. Volume 149 of Harvard East Asian monographs (illustrated ed.). Harvard Univ Asia Center. p. 366. ISBN 0674594975. ISSN 0073-0483. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  26. ↑ Mark C. Elliott (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (illustrated, reprint ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 242. ISBN 0-8047-4684-2. Retrieved March 2, 2012. famous Manchu figure of the early Qing who belonged to the Niohuru clan) would have been the unwieldy "Niu-gu-lu E-bi-long" in Chinese. Moreover, the characters used in names were typically chosen to represent the sounds of Manchu, and not to carry any particular meaning in Chinese. For educated Han Chinese accustomed to names composed of a familiar surname and one or two elegang characters drawn from a poem or a passage from the classics, Manchu names looked not just different, but absurd. What was oneo to make of a name like E-bi-long, written in Chinese characters meaning "repress-must flourish," or Duo-er-gun, meaning "numerous-thou-roll"? S.... To them they looked like nonsense.... But they are not nonsense in Manchu: "E-bi-long" is the transcription of ebilun, meaning "a delicate or sickly child," and "Duo-er-gun" is the Chinese transcription of dorgon, the Manchu word for badger.
  27. ↑ Mark C. Elliott (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (illustrated, reprint ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 242. ISBN 0-8047-4684-2. Retrieved March 2, 2012. Thus we find names like Nikan (Chinese), Ajige (little), Asiha (young), Haha (nale), Mampi (knot—a reference to the hair?), Kara (black), Fulata (red-eyed), Necin (peaceful), Kirsa (steppe fox), Unahan (colt), Jumara (squirrel), Nimašan (sea eagle), Nomin (lapis lazuli), and Gacuha (toy made out of an animal's anklebone).44 Names such as Jalfungga (long-lived), Fulingga (lucky one), Fulungga (majestic), and Hūturingga (fortunate), were not unknown, either, particularly after the seventeenth century. Although mightily foreign when written as Zha-la-feng-a, Fu-ling-a, Fu-long-a, or Hu-tu-ling-ga
  28. ↑ Mark C. Elliott (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (illustrated, reprint ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 243. ISBN 0-8047-4684-2. Retrieved March 2, 2012. While Chinese names, too, sometimes ended in characters with the sounds "zhu," "bao," and "tai," more often than not, such names in the Qing belonged to Manchus and other bannermen (Chinese bannermen and Mongols sometimes took Manchu-sounding names), even if the attached meaning is not clear (it is not certain that all names in fact had a specific meaning). Giving "numeral names" was another unique Manchu habit. These were names that actually referred to numbers. Sometimes they were given using Manchu numbers—for example, Nadanju (seventy) or Susai (fifty). Other times number names used the Manchu transcriptions of Chinese numbers, as in the name Loišici (= Liushi qi, "sixty-seven"), Bašinu (= bashi wu, "eight-five").45 Such names, unheard of among the Han, were quite common among the Manchus, an appeared from time to time among Chinese bannermen. Popular curiosity about this odd custom in Qing was partly satisfied by the nineteenth-century bannerman-writer Fu-ge, who explained in his book of "jottings" that naming children for their grandparents' ages was a way of wishing longevity to the newly born.46
  29. ↑ Edward J. M. Rhoads (2001). Manchus & Han: ethnic relations and political power in late Qing and early republican China, 1861–1928 (reprint, illustrated ed.). University of Washington Press. p. 56. Retrieved March 2, 2012. At Xiuyan, in eastern Fengtian, the Manchus in the seventh or eighth generation continued as before to give their sons polysyllabic Manchu personal names that were meaningless when transliterated into Chinese, but at the same time they began to also give them Chinese names that were disyllabic and meaningful and that conformed to the generational principle. Thus, in the seventh generation of the Gūwalgiya lineage were sons with two names, one Manchu and one Chinese, such as Duolunbu/Shiman, Delinbu/Shizhu, and Tehengbu/Shizhen. Within the family and the banner, these boys used their Manchu name, but outside they used their Han-style name. Then, from the eight or ninth generation one, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Gūwalgiya at Xiuyan stopped giving polysyllabic Manchu names to their sons, who thereafter used Chinese names exclusively.
  30. ↑ Edward J. M. Rhoads (2001). Manchus & Han: ethnic relations and political power in late Qing and early republican China, 1861–1928 (reprint, illustrated ed.). University of Washington Press. p. 56. Retrieved March 2, 2012. and when the ancient and politically prominent Manchu lineage of Niohuru adopted the Han-style surname Lang, he ridiculed them for having "forgotten their roots." (The Niohuru, whose name was derived from niohe, Manchu for wolf," had chosen Lang as their surname because it was a homophone for the Chinese word for "wolf.")
  31. ↑ Edward J. M. Rhoads (2001). Manchus & Han: ethnic relations and political power in late Qing and early republican China, 1861–1928 (reprint, illustrated ed.). University of Washington Press. p. 56. Retrieved March 2, 2012. Manchu men had abandoned their original polysyllabic personal names infavor of Han-style disyllabic names; they had adopted the Han practice of choosing characters with auspicious meanings for the names; and they had assigned names on a generational basis.... Except among some Hanjun such as the two Zhao brothers, bannermen still did not, by and large, use their
  32. ↑ Edward J. M. Rhoads (2001). Manchus & Han: ethnic relations and political power in late Qing and early republican China, 1861–1928 (reprint, illustrated ed.). University of Washington Press. p. 57. Retrieved March 2, 2012. family name but called themselves only by their personal name—for example, Yikuang, Ronglu, Gangyi, Duanfang, Xiliang, and Tieliang. In this respect, most Manchus remained conspicuously different from Han.
  33. ↑ Mark C. Elliott (2001). The Manchu Way: The Eight Banners and Ethnic Identity in Late Imperial China (illustrated, reprint ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 241. ISBN 0-8047-4684-2. Retrieved March 2, 2012. Chinese names consist typically of a single-character surname and a given name of one or two characters, the latter usually chosen for their auspicious meaning. Manchu names were different. For one thing, Manchus did not commonly employ surnames, identifying themselves usually by their banner affiliation rather than by their lineage. Even if they had customarily used both surname and given name, this would not have eliminated the difference with Han names, since Manchu names of any kind were very often longer than two characters—that is, two syllables— in length. Where a Han name (to pick at random two names from the eighteenth century) might read Zhang Tingyu or Dai Zhen, the full name of, say, Ebilun (a
  34. ↑ Norman G. Owen (2005). The Emergence Of Modern Southeast Asia: A New History. University of Hawaii Press. pp. 115–. ISBN 978-0-8248-2890-5.
  35. ↑ A. Dirk Moses (1 January 2008). Empire, Colony, Genocide: Conquest, Occupation, and Subaltern Resistance in World History. Berghahn Books. pp. 209–. ISBN 978-1-84545-452-4. Archived from the original on 2008.
  36. ↑ Randall Peerenboom; Carole J. Petersen; Albert H.Y. Chen (27 September 2006). Human Rights in Asia: A Comparative Legal Study of Twelve Asian Jurisdictions, France and the USA. Routledge. pp. 474–. ISBN 978-1-134-23881-1.
  37. ↑ https://web.archive.org/web/20040617071243/http://kyotoreview.cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp/issue/issue4/article_353.html
  38. ↑ http://h-net.msu.edu/cgi-bin/logbrowse.pl?trx=vx&list=h-asia&month=9906&week=e&msg=28mq4qDZEWt3sD%2B6t6h/lw&user=&pw=
  39. ↑ http://angelasancartier.net/ao-dai-vietnams-national-dress
  40. ↑ http://beyondvictoriana.com/2010/03/14/beyond-victoriana-18-transcultural-tradition-of-the-vietnamese-ao-dai/
  41. ↑ http://fashion-history.lovetoknow.com/clothing-types-styles/ao-dai
  42. ↑ http://www.tor.com/2010/10/20/ao-dai-and-i-steampunk-essay/
  43. ↑ The new Orient; a series of monographs on Oriental culture ... 1933. p. 116. Retrieved 2011-05-29.
  44. ↑ Paul Carus, ed. (1934). The Open court, Volume 47. The Open Court Pub. Co. p. 116. Retrieved 2011-05-29.
  45. ↑ Owen Lattimore (1962). Frontier history. Oxford University Press. p. 197. Retrieved 2011-05-29.
  46. ↑ Joseph Mitsuo Kitagawa (2002). The religious traditions of Asia: religion, history, and culture. Routledge. p. 368. ISBN 0-7007-1762-5. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  47. ↑ Lipman, Jonathan N. (Jul 1984). "Ethnicity and Politics in Republican China: The Ma Family Warlords of Gansu". Sage Publications, Inc. p. 296. Retrieved 31 October 2010.
  48. ↑ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911–1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 130. ISBN 0-521-25514-7. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  49. ↑ Andrew D. W. Forbes (1986). Warlords and Muslims in Chinese Central Asia: a political history of Republican Sinkiang 1911–1949. Cambridge, England: CUP Archive. p. 131. ISBN 0-521-25514-7. Retrieved 2010-06-28.
  50. ↑ Dreyer, June Teufel (July 17, 2003). Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars Taiwan’s Evolving Identity Check |url= value (help). Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Retrieved May 20, 2009. In order to shore up his government’s legitimacy, Chiang set about turning Taiwan’s inhabitants into Chinese. To use Renan’s terminology, Chiang chose to re-define the concept of shared destiny to include the mainland. Streets were re-named; major thoroughfares in Taipei received names associated with the traditional Confucian virtues. The avenue passing in front of the foreign ministry en route to the presidential palace was named chieh-shou (long life), in Chiang’s honor. Students were required to learn Mandarin and speak it exclusively; those who disobeyed and spoke Taiwanese Min, Hakka, or aboriginal tongues could be fined, slapped, or subjected to other disciplinary actions.
  51. ↑ "Starting Anew on Taiwan". Hoover Institution. 2008. Retrieved 2009-06-05. The new KMT concluded that it must “Sinicize” Taiwan if it were ever to unify mainland China. Textbooks were designed to teach young people the dialect of North China as a national language. Pupils also were taught to revere Confucian ethics, to develop Han Chinese nationalism, and to accept Taiwan as a part of China.
  52. ↑ "Third-Wave Reform". .... The government initiated educational reform in the 1950s to achieve a number of high-priority goals. First, it was done to help root out fifty years of Japanese colonial influence on the island's populace--"resinicizing" them, one might say- -and thereby guarantee their loyalty to the Chinese motherland. Second, the million mainlanders or so who had fled to Taiwan themselves had the age-old tendency of being more loyal to city, county, or province than to China as a nation. They identified themselves as Hunanese, Cantonese, or Sichuanese first, and as Chinese second.
  53. ↑ Burbu, Dawa (2001) China's Tibet Policy, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-7007-0474-3, pp. 100–124
  54. ↑ Samdup, Tseten (1993) Chinese population—Threat to Tibetan identity
  55. ↑ Schrader, Chris. "'Red Dawn' Villains Switched from China to North Korea". Screen Rant. Retrieved 1 June 2014.

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