Warlord

Atta Muhammad Nur, former regional warlord, is now governor of Balkh Province in Afghanistan

Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, a warlord who rose from leading an irregular militia in Shanghai to leading the military campaign that unified China, ended the Warlord Era, and left him ruler of the Republic of China (1928 – 1975)

A warlord is a leader able to exercise military, economic, and political control over a subnational territory within a sovereign state due to his or her ability to mobilize armed forces loyal to the warlord. These armed forces, usually considered militias, are loyal to the warlord rather than to the state regime. Warlords have existed throughout much of history, albeit in a variety of different capacities within the political, economic, and social structure of states or ungoverned territories.

Historical origins and etymology

The first appearance of the word "warlord" dates to 1856, when used by American philosopher and poet Ralph Waldo Emerson in a highly critical essay on the aristocracy in England, "Piracy and war gave place to trade, politics and letters; the war-lord to the law-lord; the privilege was kept, whilst the means of obtaining it were changed” ^[1] The first non-English usage of warlord appeared in Germany in 1861, with the translation as "Kriegsherr," which was applied to the first Kaiser of Germany, Wilhelm I following his crowning.^[2] Early in the 20th Century, the term was adopted in China as "Jun Fa" to describe the aftermath of 1911 Wuchang Uprising and Xinhai Revolution, when regional chieftains led their private militias to battle the state and competing chieftains for control over territory, launching the period that what would come to be known in China as the modern Warlord Era.^[3][4]

 

Conceptions of warlordism

Although warlords were present historically in either "pre-modern state" or "weak state" societies, and in countries designated “weak states” or “failed states” in modern times, there is a tremendous degree of variance in the political, economic, and societal organization, structure, and institutions in states where warlordism exists. There is also a divergence of opinion within the field of political science as to what specifically constitutes warlordism, particularly in the context of the historical setting.

Cooperative warlord politics vs. ungoverned warlordism

There are two major functional distinctions when considering warlords vis-à-vis their relationship with the state. The first is one in which the warlord functions within the political framework through a degree of bargaining with the state regime so the warlord, sometimes individually and sometimes in a coalition with other warlords, is acting with the explicit consent or at least in accord with the regime. This can be viewed as “cooperative warlord politics.” The other is one in which the warlord is operating independently of the state and is viewed as a rebel, insurgent, or strategic political competitor of the regime. This is commonly viewed as “ungoverned warlordism.” Warlords can also fall into a hybrid category, temporarily joining a warlord coalition in collusion with the regime or defecting for political expedience - transitioning from one paradigm to the other based upon strategic interests.

Warlordism as the dominant political order of pre-state societies

The other major consideration in categorizing warlords is through the lens of history. Warlordism was a widespread, dominant political framework that ordered many of the world’s societies until the modern state became ubiquitous globally. Often, warlord governance in pre-modern state history was constructed along tribal or kinship lines and was congruent with early perceptions of “nation.” In colonial empires, warlords served in both cooperative political capacities and as leaders of rebellions. In modern states, the presence of warlords is often seen as an indicator of state weakness or failure. American historian David G. Herrmann noted, "Warlordism is the default condition of humanity."^[5]

Economics of warlordism

Economist Stergios Skaperdas views warlordism as a default – albeit inefficient – competitive economic model that emerges in states where state capacity is low; but it innately evolves into an institution governing political order that uses violence or the threat of violence to secure its access to “rent” producing resources, but may actually have a stabilizing effect on a region. In both cases, there is an inherent inefficiency in the model as “resources are wasted on unproductive arming and fighting.” ^[6] However, the functionality is often sustainable because it presents citizens with no choice but to accept rent payments in exchange for protection. Charles Tilly, an American political scientist and sociologist, theorized that organized crime can function as a means for war and state making.^[7] He argues that the monopoly of crime by the state, in this case being the warlords, offers protection to the citizens in exchange for the extraction of rent. In this model, the citizens are forced to subject to rent payments in order to receive protection from external rivals as well as internal political rivals.

Understanding warlordism in the context of European feudalism

Noted theorist Max Weber suggested that classic feudalism in pre-modern state Europe was an example of warlordism, as the state regime was unable to "exercise a monopoly on the use of force within its territory" ^[8] and the monarch relied on on the commitment of loyal knights and other nobility to mobilize their private armies in support of the crown for specific military campaigns. As noted French philosopher Alexis De Tocqueville and political scientists such as E.J. Hobsbawm and Theda Skocpol observed in their analyses of the Ancien Regime, the French Revolution, and democratization in Europe, that commitment was contingent upon a bargaining process in which the king or queen had to guarantee additional territory, revenue, status, or other privileges,^[9][10][11] meaning that these early European states were weak states and the relationship between the crown and knights constituted the form of interdependent warlordism known as Cooperative Warlord Politics.

Under the feudal system of Europe, nobility, whether feudal lords, knights, princes, or barons, were warlords in that they served as regional leaders who exercised military, economic, and political control over subnational territories and maintained private armies to maintain that status. While their political power to exercise social order, welfare, and regional defense within their territory was derived from hereditary rights or edicts from the monarch, their military strength afforded them independence and strength to negotiate for privileges. Should the feudal lord or other noble withdraw his support from the king, either in rebellion or to form an alliance with a rival kingdom, that feudal lord or noble was now ascribing to the political order of Ungoverned Warlordism.

Understanding contemporary cases of cooperative warlord politics

While warlords are commonly viewed as regional leaders who threaten the sovereignty of a state, there are a number of states where the central government functions in collusion with warlords to achieve its goal of exercising its sovereignty over regions that would otherwise fall outside its control. In such decentralized states, particularly those where armed groups challenge national sovereignty, warlords can serve as useful allies of a central government that is unable to establish a monopoly over the use of force within its national territory.

As political scientist Dr. Ariel Hernandez documented, one example is the Philippines, where successive presidential administrations – at least since Fernando Marcos secured power in 1965 – have “franchised violence to regional warlords” to counter the inroads of communist insurgents, Islamic rebels, and organized criminal gangs. This has led to the formation of at least 93 “Partisan Armed Groups,” armed militias loyal to regional warlords who, in exchange for their loyalty and willingness to use their private armies to quell the threats from these opposition groups, are granted a degree of autonomy within designated regions, the exclusive right to use violence, and the right “to profit from the ‘economy of violence’ that they establish in their own areas.” ^[12]

Warlordism in Afghanistan, another state where the central government is unable to extend political, military, or bureaucratic control over large swaths of territories outside the capital, functions cooperatively within the framework of the state, at times. The warlords, with their established militias, are able to maintain a monopoly of violence within certain territories. They form coalitions with competing warlords and local tribal leaders to present the central government with a challenge, and often, the state will bargain to gain access to resources or "rent," loyalty from the warlord, and peace in the region.^[13] In exchange, the warlord coalitions are granted special status and privileges, including the right to maintain de facto political rule within the agreed-upon territory, exert force to retain their monopoly over violence, and extract rent and resources. "By limiting access to these privileges, members of the dominant warlord coalition create credible incentives to cooperate rather than fight among themselves."^[14] In the case of Afghanistan, the state-warlord bargaining sometimes extends beyond these informal accords and elevates to the status of political clientelism, in which the warlords are appointed to formal government positions, such as regional governor, a title which provides them political legitimacy. It has been shown that during the state-warlord bargaining phase, warlords in Afghanistan have a high motivation to prolong war to create political instability, expose weakness of the central state, prompt regional criticism against the government, and to continue economic extraction. ^[15]

Understanding contemporary cases of ungoverned warlordism

Warlords as "stationary bandits"

One political theory, pioneered by the American economist Mancur Olson, posits that warlords can function as stationary bandits. In some African states, warlord politics can be a product of endowment rich, extractable resources. Some nations, including Liberia and Sierra Leone, have had stationary bandits who use extraction of resources such as diamonds, cobalt, and timber in order to increase their political power. They often enforce their right to these resources by claiming to be protecting the people.^[16] These warlords, or stationary bandits, often partner with compliant, foreign firms and create symbiotic relationships to yield greater power for the warlords and a source of wealth for external firms. The result is a political system in which a dominant coalition of warlords strips and distributes valuable assets in exchange for bureaucratic services and security from foreign firms.^[17]

Stationary bandits can amass power because of their economic connections with foreign firms. Often times, warlords will exert violence on a particular region in order to gain control. Once in control, these warlords can expropriate the property or resources from the people and land, and redistribute the riches in exchange for monetary value. When the people who live in a particular region dominated by a warlord, they can choose to flee or live within the political structure the warlords have created. If the warlords provide protection against external threats of violence, the people will be likely to stay and continue living and working in that region, even though they are being extorted. The trade-off becomes protection for extraction, and this political framework is common in periphery regions of countries which do not have a strong central government.

Contemporary examples of warlordism

Afghanistan

Present-day Afghanistan is a multiethnic, multilingual territory occupied by distinct and often competing tribal societies, where national borders were defined only following decolonization in 1919,^[18][19] when the British signed the Treaty of Rawalpindi. The territory, which sits at the crossroads of the Silk Road, has been conquered and occupied by powerful neighboring civilizations throughout history and had no lasting central state government prior to the termination of Britain's military presence in Afghanistan following the relinquishment of the British Raj, and Partition of India and Pakistan.

Historically, power in Afghanistan has been decentralized and governance resigned locally to ethnic tribal leadership. Tribal leaders act as local Warlords, representing either a tribal confederacy, a tribal kinship group, or a smaller tribal lineage grouping, and are expected to provide security, justice, and social services to their respective constituencies.^[20][21][22] There are four dominant ethnic tribes in Afghanistan (Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek), as well as a number of lesser tribes.^[23] The Pashtuns are the largest and most dominant ethnic tribe in Afghanistan, the nation whose name translates to "Land of the Pashtuns" [see: Afghan (ethnonym)].

One of the lingering geopolitical crises stemming from British colonialism is the challenge to Pashtun society posed by the Durand Line, the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan demarcated by the British, which dissects the traditional tribal territory of the Pashtuns.^[24] The severing of their tribal lands is viewed by Pashtun leaders as a threat to their dominance within Afghanistan, emboldening rival ethnic tribes, and has provoked cross-border tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan.^[25] While having significant political, economic, and social impact on Afghanistan, the intervention of the Soviet Union (1979 - 1989), Afghan Civil War (1989 - 1996), Taliban Regime (1996 - 2001), and United States invasion and occupation (2001–Present) have not noticeably disrupted the primacy of ethnic tribal authority, and thus the power and influence of warlords, in ordering Afghan society. Although the United States and its coalition allies have expended a considerable amount of time, effort, and resources attempting to foment the centralization of government and consolidation of power in the state with its seat of power in Kabul^[26][27] l,^[28][29] tribal warlords continue to maintain political influence and power throughout the country outside of Kabul.

While most warlords have power invested in them through traditional tribal customs, some hold formal regional government positions, but in both cases, cooperation with the central government remains voluntary and reliant on incentives.^[30] Beginning in 2008, as it became increasingly evident that the central government in Kabul was incapable of extend its power and control to much of the country, the US military and diplomatic corps began exploring the option of engaging ethnic tribal warlords in negotiations, a strategy which has continued through the Obama Administration.^[31][32][33]

Russian Civil War and Chechen conflicts

Warlordism was widespread in Civil War-era Russia (1918–1922). Many territories weren't under control of either Red government in Petrograd (later in Moscow) or White governments in Omsk and Rostov. These territories were controlled by warlords of various political colors. Anarchist warlords Nestor Makhno, leader of Free Territory, and his ally Maria Nikiforova operated in Ukraine. The Cossack ataman Semyonov held territories in Transbaikalia region, and the Bloody Baron Ungern von Sternberg was the dictator of Mongolia for a short time. Note that the White generals such as Kolchak or Denikin are not considered warlords, because they created a legitimate, though troubled government and military command.

The term "warlord" was frequently used when Russia and Chechen conflicts that were reignited in the 1990s. (See Chechen warlords.)

Liberia

Liberia's former president, Charles Taylor, was indicted as a diamond embezzling warlord who aided and abetted African rebels who committed heinous atrocities against millions of African peoples. After seizing power from Samuel Doe through means of rebellion, Taylor won elections in 1997. His critics say that Taylor bullied and bought his way to power, and once he obtained it, he established himself as one of the most provincial warlords in Africa. During his term of office, Taylor was accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity as a result of his involvement in the Sierra Leone Civil War (1991–2002). His close friends included the late Colonel Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, the conservative former ruler of Ivory Coast Felix Houphouet-Boigny, the current President of Burkina Faso, Blaise Compaore, and a plethora of businessmen, local and foreign, focused on disregarding UN disapproval to make money in Liberia. He was detained by the UN-backed Special Court for Sierra Leone in 2006 after a period of enforced exile in Nigeria.Taylor was found guilty in April 2012 of all eleven charges levied by the Special Court, including terror, murder and rape.^[9] In May 2012, Taylor was sentenced to 50 years in prison.

Zimbabwe

Prior to his presidential election, Robert Mugabe was a notorious African warlord who used violence, bribery, and corruption to eventually seize power of Zimbabwe in 1980. Once in power, he crushed all uprisings and rebellions and some claim that civilian death totals reached 20,000.^[34] He exhibited the traits of a warlord, or stationary bandit, because of the way in which he used extraction power in return for protection. In conjunction with Charles Tilly's theory of war making as state making, Mugabe has been known to seize land from the wealthy in Zimbabwe and redistribute it amongst local farmers. In this way, he protects the poor while expropriating the wealthy. He is also known for having any political opposition or rebellions quelled by means of violence and often murder.

Uganda

Another prominent African warlord was Idi Amin, who served as the Third President of Uganda from 1971-1979. He seized power as part of a military coup in 1971 and promoted himself to field marshal while he was head of state. Amin's rule was truly characterized by human rights abuses, political repression, ethnic persecution, extrajudicial killings, nepotism, corruption, and economic mismanagement. The number of people killed as a result of his regime is estimated by international observers and human rights groups to range from 100,000 to 500,000.^[35] One example of Amin's warlord tactics was in 1972, when he launched an economic war on Asians and Indians, which involved expropriating their private property. He grew the army from 10,000 to 25,000 soldiers during his reign of power, appointing tens of generals from his own tribe to serve for the Ugandan government.^[36]

Historical examples of warlordism

China

Throughout history, warlordism was the dominant feature of politics in China, where regional emperors exercised military, political, economic, and social control over kingdoms whose territorial boundaries were constantly changing due to temporary alliances and unifications of kingdoms or through inter-kingdom warfare. Seminal moments in China's warlord history include the Warring States period, Qin's Wars of Unification, the Han Dynasty, the era of Three Kingdoms, the Jin Dynasty (and the 16 Kingdoms), the Tang Dynasty (which resulted in the highest concentration of warlord competition in China and gave rise to the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period).

The modern era of warlordism in China commenced with the 1911 Wuchang Uprising and Xinhai Revolution, when the relative stability of China's last Imperial Dynasty, the Qing Dynasty, was disrupted by a large-scale rebellion of provinces seeking independence and status as republics. The period of anarchy that erupted with the fall of the Qing Dynasty and lasted until the Kuomintang (KMT) consolidated its rule over the unified Republic of China (ROC) under Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek in 1928 is known as modern China's Warlord Era. The political instability that ensued with the invasion and occupation of China by the Japanese Imperial Army (1936 - 1945) and the conflict between forces loyal to the KMT and the People's Liberation Army (PLA) led by Mao Zedong (1928 - 1949) gave rise to warlordism throughout provincial China until the victory of the PLA and founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949.

Although he ascended with legitimacy into his role of leadership of the KMT by succeeding Sun Yat-sen, led the KMT on the Northern Expedition that unified China as a republic by 1928, and served as de facto leader of the Republic of China from 1928 to 1975, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek is considered a warlord. His ascendancy to leadership in China resulted from a series of military campaigns that he initiated first as commander of an irregular militia in Shanghai's International Settlement during the Warlord Era, then he increased his power as garrison commander of KMT forces in Guangzhou, then he unified the regional armed forces of the KMT to form the Nationalist Revolutionary Army, and led the two-year Northern Expedition campaign (1926 - 1928) that not only defeated the Beiyang Army and toppled the Beiyang Government, but also conquered and conscripted the forces of all rival warlords who posed a threat to his vision of unifying China. Chiang Kai-shek's entire tenure as de facto leader of the Republic of China from 1928 until 1948, when the KMT was defeated by Mao Zedong's People's Liberation Army and the KMT fled the Chinese mainland to establish the ROC on Taiwan, was maintained under the auspices of his position as Chairman of the National Military Council of the Nationalist government. His power was derived from his ability to maintain the loyalty of the armed forces, not from the political legitimacy of democratic elections. This path to leadership and the military-political order he established to rule China constitutes warlordism.

Korea

Warlordism in Korea refers to the ongoing warfare that commenced in 108 BC on the Korean peninsula and included conflict for territories in present-day Manchuria between regional rulers who waged military campaigns to extend their political and economic control over neighboring territories prior to the unification of the Korean Empire in 1897 ^[37][38] The conflict involved Korean and Chinese warlords, and there were regular military campaigns carried out in Korea by Japanese invaders. Throughout this period, Korean warlords aligned with, or rebelled against, the dynastic rulers of the three major kingdoms of the Korean peninsula, the Kingdom of Silla, Kingdom of Baekje, and Kingdom of Goguryeo, which dominated the Korean peninsula during the period known as The Three Kingdoms of Korea, lasting from 50 BC - 668 AD. Chinese incursions, economic challenges, and internal political strife that resulted from dynastic conflict over the "bone rank system" destabilized the balance of power, and warlords successfully challenged the kingdoms to make territorial gains. Warlord political rule and warfare continued, intensifying during the period known as the Later Three Kingdoms (892–936), quelled briefly during the Mongol invasion and domination of Korea (1231 - 1336). Warlordism continued as a challenge to central rulers throughout the Chosin Dynasty (1392 - 1897), until unification of the Korea Empire in 1897.

Mongolia

After the fall of the Mongol Empire, Mongolia was divided between the Eastern and Western Mongols. At the time of disintegration, many warlords tried to enthrone themselves or rule the khanate jointly, however, there had been powerful de factos in all parts of the Mongol Empire before. The Mongol Empire and the states that emerged from it were born from shaped in part from the heavy influence of roving bandits. These warlords, such as Genghis Khan and his immediate successors, conquered nearly all of Asia and European Russia and sent armies as far as central Europe and Southeast Asia. Roving bandits, contrary to the concept of stationary bandits offered by Mancur Olson, extract from region to region and stay mobile. Warlords in Mongolia could be characterized by this title because of the Mongol Empire's lack of definitive borders and consistent expansion and conquest during the 13th and 14th centuries.

Vietnam

The Twelve Warlords War was a period ranging from 966-968 that was characterized by chaos and civil war. The reason this period in Vietnam received the title of Twelve Warlords War, or Anarchy of the 12 Warlords, is because of the struggle for power after the illegitimate succession to the throne by Dương Tam Kha after the death of Ngô Quyền. The ensuing two years was riddled with local warlords rebelling by seizing power within their local governments and challenging the Dương court. As a result, the country fractured into twelve regions each led by a lord. This resulted in conflicts and war amongst the regional warlords who all sought to expand their territory and enhance their power.

Germany, France, & Britain

Warlordism in Europe is usually connected to various mercenary companies and their chieftains, which often were de facto power-holders in the areas where they resided. Such free companies would arise in a situation when the recognized central power had collapsed, such as in the Great Interregnum in Germany (1254–1278) or in France during the Hundred Years' War after the Battle of Poitiers; and in the Kingdom of Scotland during the Wars of Scottish Independence.

Free company mercenary captains, such as Sir John Hawkwood, Roger de Flor of Catalan Company or Hugh Calveley could be considered as warlords. Several condottieri in Italy can also be classified as warlords. Ygo Gales Galama was a famous Frisian warlord, and so was his cousin Pier Gerlofs Donia, who was the leader of the Arumer Black Heap.

The Imperial commanders-in-chief during the reign of Emperor Maximilian I did hold the title Kriegsherr of which the direct translation was "warlord", but they were not warlords in sense of the word defined. Other warlords could be found in the British Isles during the Middle Ages and up into the Early Modern period, such examples include Brian Boru of Ireland, Guthrum of the Danelaw who was the commander of the Great Heathen Army and nearly conquered all of England,^[39] Alfred of Anglo-Saxon England,^[40] first man to unify the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of Europe, albeit that it would not be completed until Edward the Elder's reign, in which he conquered the last remnants of the Danelaw.^[41] William the Conqueror could also classify as a warlord, because he forged an empire out of nothing, singlehandedly conquered England.^[42]

Other examples

Other countries and territories with warlords include Afghanistan,^[43][44] Iraq, Burma (Wa State), Russia (Chechnya), the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Libya, Sudan, Somalia, the Philippines, Pakistan (Pashtun Tribal Areas), Syria and Tajikistan (Gorno-Badakhshan). Other areas include the Ukraine (Donetsk People's Republic), Lebanon, Palestine, South Sudan, Mexico, Colombia.

See also

Anocracy Caudillo Despotism Feud Outlaw

Plutocracy Strongman (politics) Violent non-state actor List of countries by Failed States Index

References

Notes

1. Emerson, Ralph Waldo (1902). English Traits (1856). London: George Routledge and Sons. p. 168.
2. Ahram, Ariel and Charles King (03/01/2012). "The Warlord as Arbitrageur". Theory and Society. Volume 41, Issue 2, p. 169. doi:10.1007/s11186-011-9162-4. Check date values in: |date= (help)
3. Waldron, Arthur (1991). "The warlord: Twentieth-century Chinese understandings of violence, militarism, and imperialism". American Historical Review, 96(4), 970–1022.
4. "Chinese Warlordism - Bibliography". science.jrank.org. Retrieved 2016-05-07.
5. Marten, Kimberly (2012). Warlords: Strong Arm Brokers in Weak States. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. p. 1.
6. Skaperdas, Stergios (2002-01-01). "Warlord Competition". Journal of Peace Research 39 (4): 435–446.
7. "Tilly - Warmaking and statemaking as organized crime.pdf" (PDF). Dropbox. Retrieved 2016-04-23.
8. Weber, Max (1965). Politics As A Vocation. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
9. Tocqueville, Alexis De (1856). The Old Regime and The French Revolution.
10. Skocpol, Theda (1979). States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
11. Hobsbawm, E.J. (1962). The Age of Revolution. Cleveland: World Publishers.
12. Hernandez, Ariel (2014). Nation-building and Identity Conflicts: Facilitating the Mediation Process in Southern Philippines. New York: Springer. pp. Chapter 5.4, Pages 101–103.
13. Mukhopadhyay, Diwali (2014). Warlords, Strongman Governors, and The State in Afghanistan. New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 316–340. ISBN 9781107023925.
14. North, Douglass C.; Wallis, John Joseph; Weingast, Barry R. (2009-01-01). "Violence and the Rise of Open-Access Orders". Journal of Democracy 20 (1): 55–68. doi:10.1353/jod.0.0060. ISSN 1086-3214.
15. Mukhopadhyay, Dipali (2014). Warlords, strongman governors, and the state in Afghanistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–5. ISBN 1107023920.
16. Olson, Mancur. 1993. "Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development." American Political Science Review 87(3): 567-576. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2938736?origin=crossref&seq=1#fndtn-page_scan_tab_contents
17. Reno, William. Warlord Politics and African States. 1999. Lynne Rienner Publishers.
18. "The World Factbook". www.cia.gov. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
19. "Afghanistan: The Legacy of the British Empire. A Brief History". Global Research. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
20. Diplomat, Sohrab Rahmaty, The. "Afghanistan: Warlords and Democracy". The Diplomat. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
21. Kfir, Isaac. "The Role of the Pashtuns in Understanding the Afghan Crisis". Perspectives on Terrorism 3 (4). ISSN 2334-3745.
22. "The warlords of Afghanistan". Washington Post. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
23. "The World Factbook". www.cia.gov. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
24. agency, united states. central intelligence. "Afghanistan ethnic groups.". The Library of Congress. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
25. Siddique, Abubakar. "The Durand Line: Afghanistan's Controversial, Colonial-Era Border". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
26. "United States Agency for International Development - U.S. FOREIGN ASSISTANCE FOR AFGHANISTAN POST PERFORMANCE MANAGEMENT PLAN" (PDF). www.usaid.gov. Joint Task Force, US Mission - Afghanistan. 2010-02-01. Retrieved 2016-02-16.
27. "U.S. Backs Karzai's Efforts to Strengthen Afghan Central Government | IIP Digital". iipdigital.usembassy.gov. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
28. "U.S. Commitment to Afghanistan". georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
29. "Strengthening the Strategic Partnership of the United States and Afghanistan". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
30. Mukhopadhyay, Dipali (2016). Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State in Afghanistan. New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–75. ISBN 9781107595859.
31. "A Tribal Strategy for Afghanistan". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
32. "Decentralization - Decentralization in Afghanistan". web.worldbank.org. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
33. Goldstein, Mujib Mashal, Joseph; Sukhanyar, Jawad (2015-05-24). "Afghans Form Militias and Call on Warlords to Battle Taliban". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2016-02-15.
34. http://www.usnews.com/news/slideshows/5-most-notorious-african-warlords
35. Ullman, Richard H. (April 1978). "Human Rights and Economic Power: The United States Versus Idi Amin". Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 26 March 2009. The most conservative estimates by informed observers hold that President Idi Amin Dada and the terror squads operating under his loose direction have killed 100,000 Ugandans in the seven years he has held power.
36. Andrew Mambo and Julian Schofield “Military Diversion in the 1978 Uganda-Tanzania War” page 12
37. Lambert, Tim. "A Brief History of Korea". Local History - Asia.
38. "A Timeline of Korean History | Asia for Educators | Columbia University". afe.easia.columbia.edu. Retrieved 2016-04-29.
39. "Guthrum". English Monarchs. Retrieved 16 March 2016.
40. "Alfred the Great". Official Website of the Royal Monarchy. Retrieved 16 March 2016.
41. "King Edward the Elder". Royal Family History. Retrieved 16 March 2016.
42. "William the Conqueror biography". Medieval Life and Times. Retrieved 16 March 2016.
43. Grono, Nick; Rondeaux, Candace (2010-01-17). "Dealing with brutal Afghan warlords is a mistake". Boston.com. Retrieved 2010-06-25.
44. Malalai Joya "The big lie of Afghanistan - My country hasn't been liberated: it's still under the warlords' control, and Nato occupation only reinforces their power"

Further reading

• Lezhnev, Sasha. Crafting Peace: Strategies to Deal with Warlords in Collapsing States. Plymouth 2005, ISBN 978-0-7391-1765-1.