Ion Buzdugan

Ion Buzdugan

Buzdugan, ca. 1914
Member of Sfatul Ţării
In office
November 1917  November 1918
Constituency Bălți County
Member of the Assembly of Deputies
In office
November 1919  July 1932
Personal details
Born Ivan Alexandrovici Buzdâga
(1887-03-09)March 9, 1887
Brînzenii Noi, Bessarabia Governorate, Russian Empire
Died January 29, 1967(1967-01-29) (aged 79)
Bucharest, Communist Romania
Nationality Romanian
Political party Bolsheviks (ca. 1917)
National Moldavian Party (1917)
Bessarabian Peasants' Party (1918)
Peasants' Party (1921)
National Peasants' Party (1926)
Peasants' Party–Lupu (1927)
Romanian Front (1935)
Profession Poet, folklorist, translator, schoolteacher, journalist, lawyer
Religion Romanian Orthodox
Nickname(s) Nică Romanaș

Ion Buzdugan (Romanian Cyrillic and Russian: Ион Буздуган, born Ivan Alexandrovici Buzdâga;[1][2][3] March 9, 1887 – January 29, 1967) was a Bessarabian-Romanian poet, folklorist, and politician. A young schoolteacher in the Russian Empire by 1908, he wrote poetry and collected folklore emphasizing Bessarabia's links with Romania, and associated with various founding figures of the Romanian nationalist movement, beginning with Ion Pelivan. Buzdugan was a communist during the February Revolution, but eventually rallied with the National Moldavian Party in opposition to the socialists and the Bolsheviks. He vehemently supported the union of Bessarabia with Romania during the existence of an independent Moldavian Democratic Republic, and, as a member of its legislature (Sfatul Ţării), worked to bring it about. Threatened by the Bolsheviks, he fled to Romania and returned with the expeditionary corps headed by General Ernest Broșteanu, being one of the delegates who voted for the union, and one of dignitaries who signed its proclamation.

In interwar Greater Romania, Buzdugan received mixed reviews as a neo-traditionalist poet, while also serving terms in the Assembly of Deputies. There, he advocated decentralization and a system of zemstva, but opposed Bessarabian autonomy, while also becoming noted for his antisemitic outbursts. He was successively a member of the Bessarabian Peasants' Party, the Peasants' Party, the National Peasants' Party, and the Peasants' Party–Lupu. For a while, he was employed as a civil administrator, before delving in fascist politics with the Romanian Front.

His political activity made him a target of repression under the Romanian communist regime, but he avoided arrest by going into hiding during the late 1940s and early '50s. He later reemerged, but, until the time of his death, was only allowed to publish pseudonymous translations from Russian literature. Since the 1990s, his poetic work has been recovered and reassessed in both Romania and Moldova.

Biography

Early years

According to updated reference works, the future Ion Buzdugan was born in 1887 in Brînzenii Noi (now in Telenești District, Moldova), the son of peasants Alexandru and Ecaterina Buzdâga.[4] One 1936 entry claims that he was born in 1889 in Buzdugeni.[5] Both villages were at the time included in the Russian Empire's Bessarabian Governorate, and the young man was educated at a teachers' seminary in Bayramcha. He later studied agriculture, law and literature in Russian schools in Kamianets-Podilskyi and Moscow.[6] He took a license to practice law from Moscow University.[7]

Influenced to some degree by the work of Mihai Eminescu,[8] he began writing his own poetry, published in Bessarabian magazines from 1905, under the pseudonym Nică Romanaș (or Românaș, "Nică the Romanian Fella").[9][10] Other pen names he used include B. Cogâlnic, Ion Câmpeanu, and I. Dumbrăveanu.[11] He became involved with the groups of Romanian nationalists then forming in the Governorate, writing for their newspaper Basarabia, and, while in Kamianets, establishing contacts with the Romanians east of Bessarabia.[12]

In 1907–1909, a schoolteacher in Bursuceni, he associated the Romanian national club founded by judge Ion Pelivan. His activity there brought him under the watch of the Okhrana, and, during the subsequent clampdown, he received a punishment for having taught his students in Romanian.[13] Nevertheless, he remained active in the nationalist circles and, by 1913, was in contact with Cuvânt Moldovenesc journal,[14] which he also edited for a while, again as N. Romanaș.[5] He also began a lifetime work of collecting Romanian folklore, and, despite such work being repressed by the Russian authorities, documented the folkloric links between Bessarabia and other Romanian-inhabited regions.[10] The folk songs of his collections also pointed to the Bessarabians' dissatisfaction with Tsarist autocracy, against claims that they enjoyed that regime more than they supported Romania.[15]

Buzdugan volunteered as an officer in the Imperial Russian Army,[5] engaged in the Romanian theater of war. At some point during the events of the Russian Revolution, he and his Bessarabian colleague, Gherman Pântea, rallied with the revolutionary far-left, joining the Bolsheviks.[16] By the time of the February Revolution, he joined the Moldavian Soldiers' Organization in Odessa, and took up the task of propaganda work among the Bessarabian units of the Imperial Russian Army.[17] Taken by the Russian army to Iași, the provisional Romanian capital, he still met with Romanian nationalists, including the historian Nicolae Iorga. Iorga recalled that Buzdugan was agitated in favor of socialist reforms and critical of the Romanian King Ferdinand I, somewhat supportive of a Russian-backed uprising, and favoring mass desertion.[18] At the time, he spoke a "picturesque" Moldavian dialect, mixed with Russian neologisms.[19]

Also according to Iorga, Buzdugan was already going through a "taming" process.[20] After March 13, 1917, both Buzdugan and Pântea became members of Paul Gore's National Moldavian Party (PNM), the driving force of Romanian nationalism in the former Governorate, and were co-opted on its steering committee.[21] Buzdugan was also one of the founders of its tribune, Ostașul Moldovan, and returned to his career in the Bessarabian press.[11] On April 10, he attended the Bessarabian Schoolteachers' Congress, presided upon by Alexandr K. Schmidt and comprising educators of all nationalities. There, he agitated in favor of a split, calling on Romanian teachers to form their own "cleanly Moldavian" congress, and supporting the idea of intensive courses to formalize and standardize their language.[2] He advocated the introduction of the Latin alphabet, to replace Cyrillic everywhere, including in zemstva schools.[22] Additionally, together with the playwright Sergiu Victor Cujbă, he founded a people's university and a peasants' theater.[23]

Sfatul Țării

The Act of Union of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, carrying Buzdugan's name

In late October 1917, Buzdugan participated in the Moldavian Soldiers' Congress of Chișinău, where it was decided to form Sfatul Țării, the Bessarabian legislature. The Congress appointed him to an Organizational Bureau that also comprised Pan Halippa, Ion Inculeț, Teofil Ioncu, and Pantelimon Erhan. It was the provisional governing body of the region, and wrote down that laws and regulations for the legislative election of that month.[24] Buzdugan himself was elected to Sfatul Țării, representing Bălți County,[25] and joined the Moldavian Bloc, a parliamentary club reuniting former PNM members (informally: "Pelivan's godsons") with the other Romanian nationalists.[26] Buzdugan and Erhan supported Pelivan as leader of Sfatul, clashing with the left-wing "Peasants' Faction", the Mensheviks led by Eugen Kenigschatz, and non-Romanian deputies such as Krste Misirkov. This coalition preferred the leftist Inculeț, who did not approve of Bessarabia's secession from the Russian Republic.[27] Against Buzdugan's protests, Pelivan asked his followers to also support Inculeț.[28]

In December 1917, following the October Revolution and the fall of the Russian Republic, Sfatul proclaimed the Moldavian Democratic Republic, a quasi-independent state. Pelivan and his "godsons", who were pushing for the union of Bessarabia with Romania, found themselves harassed by Bolshevik groups such as Front-Odel (confederated with the Rumcherod). They began preparing for an armed confrontation.[29] Eventually, disguised as Russian soldiers, and accompanied by sailor Vasile Gafencu, they left Chișinău and headed for Iași, where they contacted the Romanian Army.[30] On January 12, the Romanians, under General Ernest Broșteanu, crossed the border to suppress the Bolshevik uprising. Buzdugan, with Pelivan, Gafencu, Gheorghe Buruiană, Anton Crihan, and Vasile Țanțu, followed them closely.[31] Buzdugan, Țanțu and Andrei Scobioală, who had founded a Moldavian Committee of the Romanian War Front, also set up a unit of the Republican Army, which fought against the Bolsheviks during subsequent skirmishes.[32]

When the act of union as put up for debate in the Sfatul session of April 9 [O.S. March 27], 1918, Buzdugan was among the 86-member majority who voted in favor.[33] During the debates preceding debate, he had seconded the Romanian Prime Minister, Alexandru Marghiloman, reassuring the Peasant Faction, and Inculeț, that land reform would be enacted in Romania.[34] By then a leader of the Moldavian Bloc, he urged his colleagues to support union as stemming from "the principle of self-determination", and "the most revolutionary act in the history of our people".[35] As Sfatul Secretary, together with Inculeț, the President of the Republic, and Halippa, the Vice President, he signed into law the union proclamation.[36] Buzdugan was also the one selected to read the proclamation in the plenum session.[3][10]

He was working on a volume of patriotic poetry, which came out that year as Țara mea ("My Country").[37] In October 1918, Sfatul Ţării's eponymous journal put out his monograph on the history of boyardom and peasantry in Bessarabia.[38] Late that November, he was reelected Secretary of Sfatul, in circumstances that were deemed illegal by the anti-unionist opposition; under his watch, unconditional union (which excluded the regionalist provisions of the March document) was put to the vote.[39] Buzdugan joined Halippa, Pelivan, and Grigore Cazacliu on a Sfatul mission to Cernăuți, in Bukovina, and Alba Iulia, in Transylvania, where they were to attend popular assemblies confirming the establishment of Greater Romania.[40] In Bukovina, Buzdugan expressed his enthusiasm for "our national cause, the awakening of the entire nation between the Nistru and the Tisa."[41] However, bedridden with illness in Cernăuți, he was unable to follow Pelivan to Alba Iulia, and failed to witness Transylvania's incorporation into Romania on December 1 ("Great Union Day").[42]

In his last days as a Sfatul deputy, Buzdugan signed a protest addressed to the Romanian government of Ion I. C. Brătianu, citing cases of abuse by the Gendarme "satraps", including their alleged embezzlement of welfare supplies. The document warned that the nation was "nowhere near to moral unity, to the one guarantee that formal union would be strengthened".[43] From January 1919, he was among the founders of a credit union, formed to assist Bessarabian peasants in view of the land reform. Its steering committee also included Halippa, Buruiană, Crihan, Vasile Bârcă, Teofil Ioncu, Vasile Mândrescu, Mihail Minciună, and Nicolae Suruceanu.[44]

Beginnings in Greater Romania

On April 27, Buzdugan and many of his credit union colleagues rallied with the PNM's successor, the Bessarabian Peasants' Party (PȚB). He was voted, with Pântea, a member of its Central Committee.[45] He served continuously in Romania's Assembly of Deputies, where he represented Bălți County, from November 1919 to July 1932.[5] During his fist term, he embraced leftist causes and "leaned toward class struggle".[15] He shared his party's opposition to the policies of the governing People's Party, and spoke out against its interventions in the local administration of Bessarabia. In July 1920, he took the rostrum to address the sacking of A. Crudu, the Prefect of Hotin County, claiming that the latter had been abused and humiliated by the authorities.[46]

Buzdugan rallied with the Halippa faction of the PȚB, which sought integration within the nationwide Peasants' Party (PȚ); the other wings, comprising Inculeț, Pântea and Pelivan, preferred independence. He was one of 9 parliamentarians who, together with Halippa and the non-PȚB agrarian theorist Constantin Stere, joined the PȚ in on July 18, 1921.[47] Under Inculeț's presidency, the PȚB excluded him on July 22.[48] Reelected to the Assembly as one of the PȚ representatives for Bessarabia, Buzdugan focused on agrarian issues such as the liquidation of the zemstva, and defended the latter as tools of peasants' self-management.[49] He continued to point out cases of abuse and corruption in his native region, protesting against the sentencing by a court-martial of his fellow deputy Gheorghe Zbornea.[50]

His literary career took off, and his subsequent poetic work was soon taken up in literary newspapers and magazines all across Greater Romania. These include: Viața Romînească, Adevărul Literar și Artistic, Convorbiri Literare, Cuget Românesc, Gândirea, Luceafărul, Sburătorul, Convorbiri Literare, Flacăra, Lamura, and Drum Drept.[11] He also became one of the staff poets at Sandu Teleajen's review, Gând Românesc, in December 1921.[51] Buzdugan became a member of the Romanian Writers' Society, and co-founded the Bessarabian Writers' Society.[11] Completing his studies at the University of Iași, he took a Doctorate in Political Economy from Cernăuți University.[5][52]

Made a Commander of both the Order of the Crown and the Star of Romania, as well as a recipient of the Ferdinand Medal, he took up practice as a lawyer, based in Bucharest and Bălți.[5] His work in letters and folkloristics was collected in five retrospective volumes: Cântece din războiu ("Songs from the War", 1921),[53] Cântece din stepă ("Songs from the Steppe", 1923),[54] Cântece din Basarabia ("Songs from Bessarabia", two volumes: 1921, 1928), Miresme din stepă ("Scents of the Steppe", 1922), and a reprint of Țara mea (1928).[55] In 1923, he won a national prize for poetry, granted by the Romanian Ministry of Arts.[56] With Gheorghe Bogdan-Duică, C. S. Făgețel and N. A. Constantinescu, he also contributed a Festschrift for Iorga, published in 1921.[57]

His poems often recorded the harmonies favored in dialect, and according to literary historian George Călinescu, "sound to us like the French-Canadian language must sound to the French."[58] Iorga described them as an expression of the "primitive but powerful soul", with rhymes of "patient naivete", and overall "vastly superior" to those of Alexei Mateevici.[59] Eugen Lovinescu, the modernist doyen, found the Miresme din stepă works to be almost entirely "un-literary", only valid as "proofs of Romanian cultural continuity during a time of alienation": "we can only approach [the book] for its cultural interest and while numbing our aesthetic scruples."[60] A similar point was made by Șerban Cioculescu: "I. Buzdugan's poems cannot be said to be attractive in their beauty. All elements are lacking: no sensitivity, no imagination, no originality of ideas or artistic forms." He described Cântece din stepă as derivative from the works of Octavian Goga or Vasile Alecsandri, and instructive as to the comparative underdevelopment of Bessarabian literature. Cioculescu also noted that Buzdugan had not mastered Romanian grammar, his spelling errors "all too numerous to be disregarded."[54]

As noted by critic Răzvan Voncu, Buzdugan's lyrical contribution stands for neo-traditionalism, in the manner of Gândirea writers, but is "spontaneous" and without influence from Expressionism. Voncu rates Buzdugan as a "second-shelf" traditionalist—ranking below Adrian Maniu or Aron Cotruș, but more valuable than Sandu Tudor, Radu Gyr, or Vintilă Ciocâlteu.[10] According to writer Ion Țurcanu, his sonnet Păstorii ("The Shepherds") is "of exceptional quality", with its "expression of the rustic universe" and its grasp of "the unsuspected materialness of silence." However, "it is hard to comprehend why this literary phenomenon, that is a credit to Romanian literature, remains rather singular in Buzdugan's work, and why he never made it as greater-caliber poet."[61]

Fascist turn

Buzdugan followed Halippa and Pelivan into National Peasants' Party (PNȚ), formed from the PȚ's merger with the Romanian National Party. He became noted for his antisemitic outbursts of 1926, when he took the rostrum to address the issue of anti-Jewish disturbances at Cernăuți. Scholar Irina Livezeanu describes Buzdugan's speech as one "studded with anti-Semitic buzzwords" and "racist commonplaces". He accused the Jews of provoking vague acts of violence to "harm Romania"; however, taking sides with the National-Christian Defense League students, he warned that the Jews could expect pogroms to occur.[62] In February 1927, he defected to the Peasants' Party–Lupu, serving on its Executive Committee alongside figures such as Nicolae L. Lupu and Ioan Pangal.[63]

During the 10th anniversary of the Bessarabian union, Buzdugan showed himself optimistic about the prospects of the region, against Halippa and Ioncu, who shared a bleaker outlook.[64] In November 1928, at another festive meeting of the former Sfatul deputies, he clashed with Stere, who demanded that a resolution be adopted in support of "people's liberties", and against the "exceptional laws". Buzdugan reproached Stere: "So you came here for politicking."[65] In his new term in the Assembly after the 1928 election, he took a position against Bessarabian autonomism, describing it as a "Russian formula" and a "worrisome" threat.[66] Nevertheless, he endorsed decentralization of the lesser government bodies, "for it won't do that someone should have to travel back and forth from Bessarabia to Bucharest".[67]

Buzdugan was active with Pântea within the Union of Reserve Officers, a rough equivalent of the old regime's gentry assembly, which collaborated with the Siguranța agency in combating communism, but also demanded pay raises for Bessarabians in the military.[68] In 1930, he sided with the nationalist groups in the Assembly against the PNȚ government, which had promised to ethnic Bulgarians to enact a liberal land law in Southern Dobruja.[69] He also had a verbal bout with Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu of the far-left Peasant Workers' Bloc, calling him "a parasite of the working class".[70]

Co-opted by Iorga during his technocratic administration of 1931–1932, he served as Undersecretary of State in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry.[5][7][71] As Iorga recounts, Buzdugan and Vladimir Cristi were imposed on him by a Bessarabian "bloc" of deputies, "who wished to have their representative in Government"—this was against rumors that he was personally close to Buzdugan and intended to make him his son-in-law.[72] After Iorga's fall in the elections of 1932, Buzdugan dedicated himself to another calling: supporting anti-Soviet and White émigré circles in Romania. According to the reports of Siguranța spies, he intended to relaunch the Golos Bukharesta, a Russian anti-communist newspaper, and to obtain support for the Whites from the cabinet of Gheorghe Tătărescu.[71] In 1935, Buzdugan veered to the far-right, joining the PNȚ's "semi-fascist"[73] splinter group, the Romanian Front. He headed the Front's regional chapter in Bălţi County.[5]

After introducing the Romanian public to the Russian avant-garde (with translations that Iorga deems "very good"),[74] Buzdugan focused on the works of Pushkin, publishing in Gândirea a rendition of his "Gypsies" (1935). At the time, scholar Eufrosina Dvoichenko described it as "the best" of several Romanian attempts to translate the poem.[75] In 1937, he produced a new volume of his own poems, Păstori de timpuri ("Time-herders").[10][76]

Repression and death

Buzdugan escaped Bessarabia following the first Soviet occupation of 1940, while former members of the Union of Reserve Officers, including Emanoil Catelli, were jailed or deported.[68] In 1942, at the height of World War II, his Metanii de luceferi ("Genuflections of the Evening Stars") came out. It was to be his final published work in poetry, although three others exist as manuscripts.[10] During the Soviet push into Bessarabia at the start of 1944, Buzdugan was offered a temporary home in Brezoi, Vâlcea County (southwestern Romania). With the help of Leca Morariu, his verse continued to see print in magazines like Gazeta de Transilvania and Revista Bucovinei.[3]

Even before the official establishment of a Romanian communist regime in 1948, Buzdugan came to the attention of the Soviet occupation forces, which began procedures to arrest or deport him as a political undesirable.[10] In 1945, he was hiding in monastic clothes at Bistrița Monastery, where he met the medical assistant and monk-in-training Valeriu Anania. In his memoirs, Anania describes Buzdugan as a mediocre poet, his Orthodox devotional pieces comparable to Lord's Army hymns, adding: "He grew old with the impression of him being a great poet, and I became awfully sad at the thought that I might grow old with that same impression of myself." According to Anania, Buzdugan also angered the starets with his urban demeanor, and left for Bucharest when "times changed for the better".[77] According to other sources, Buzdugan also sought shelter with his friends in Transylvania: for a while, he was in Blaj, protected by the Greek-Catholic Church; when the latter was dissolved, he hid in private homes.[10]

From ca. 1955, when the Romanian regime turned increasingly nationalist and anti-Soviet, Buzdugan was allowed a quiet return to publishing, but had to limit himself to translation work from the Russian.[10] His earlier volumes had been taken out of the public libraries, along with many other books referencing Bessarabia.[78] In 1956, Steaua magazine hosted Buzdugan's version of Pushkin's "To Ovid".[79] Reportedly, he claimed to have authored a translation of Boris Godunov, stolen from him by the regime's poet-laureate, Victor Eftimiu.[80] Using the pseudonym B. I. Alion, he published in 1962 a version of Maxim Gorky's tale, "A Girl and Death".[11] His other contributions were renditions from Blok, Bunin, Kotsiubynsky, Lermontov, Shevchenko, and Yesenin.[10]

He died on January 27, 1967, in Bucharest,[3][11] and was buried at Bellu cemetery.[81] His funeral was attended by Halippa and Pântea, and saw them speaking publicly for the reincorporation of Bessarabia into Romania; reportedly, the speech was tolerated by the authorities, which were allowing non-politicized expressions of nationalist fervor.[82] Later that year, Buzdugan's final work, a version of Eugene Onegin (foreword by Perpessicius), appeared under his real name.[11] According to philologist Ioana Pârvulescu, it was a "good translation".[83]

Despite the mood of liberalization, Buzdugan's name was rarely invoked in print before the Romanian Revolution of 1989, and only two book of literary criticism mentioned his work; in the Moldavian SSR, his name was banned from all reference.[10] This stance changed after 1989. In independent Moldova, his work saw print in anthologies, including Literatura din Basarabia în secolul XX.[61] In Romania, C. D. Zeletin published his correspondence; his collected works appeared as 2 volumes, in 2015, at Chișinău.[10]

Notes

  1. Călinescu, p. 1036; Constantin & Negrei (2009), p. 65; Sasu, p. 244
  2. 1 2 Onisifor Ghibu, "Trei luni din viața Basarabiei", in Societatea de Mâine, Nr. 13/1924, p. 283
  3. 1 2 3 4 Constantin Poenaru, "Viața bucovineană în Rîmnicu-Vâlcea postbelic (II)", in Revista Română (ASTRA), Nr. 4/2009, p. 14
  4. Sasu, p. 244
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Politics and Political Parties in Roumania, p. 419. London: International Reference Library Publishers Co., 1936. OCLC 252801505
  6. Sasu, pp. 244–245. See also Basciani, p. 100; Constantin & Negrei (2009), p. 188
  7. 1 2 Basciani, p. 100
  8. (Romanian) Cassian Maria Spiridon, "Eminescu la 1939", in Convorbiri Literare, January 2004
  9. Iorga, O viață..., p. 270
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 (Romanian) Răzvan Voncu, "O revelație: Ion Buzdugan", in România Literară, Nr. 25/2015
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Sasu, p. 245
  12. Constantin & Negrei (2009), pp. 65, 188
  13. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 70–73
  14. Constantin & Negrei (2009), p. 188
  15. 1 2 "Însemnări literare", in Sburătorul, Nr. 14/1921, p. 344
  16. Suveică, p. 68
  17. Constantin & Negrei (2009), pp. 88–89
  18. Iorga, O viață..., pp. 270–272, 276
  19. Iorga, O viață..., p. 271
  20. Iorga, O viață..., p. 272
  21. Cemârtan, p. 123
  22. Basciani, p. 81
  23. Sasu, p. 433
  24. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 87–90
  25. Clark, p. 151
  26. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 89–90, 92–94
  27. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 92–93
  28. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 93–94
  29. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 115–116
  30. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 116–119
  31. Constantin et al. (2011), p. 122
  32. G. Spina, "Astra subversivă", in Revista Română (ASTRA), Nr. 1/2015, pp. 28–29
  33. Basciani, pp. 100–101; Clark, pp. 150–157; Măcriș, pp. 101–103
  34. Basciani, pp. 100–101
  35. Măcriș, p. 101
  36. The Roumanian Occupation..., pp. 64–66; Constantin & Negrei (2009), p. 134; Măcriș, pp. 102–103
  37. Călinescu, p. 1029
  38. Suveică, pp. 140, 318
  39. The Roumanian Occupation..., p. 105
  40. Constantin & Negrei (2009), p. 3; Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 130–142
  41. Constantin et al. (2011), p. 134
  42. Constantin et al. (2011), pp. 137
  43. Basciani, pp. 107–108
  44. "Informațiuni", in Unirea. Ziar Național, Nr. 17/1919, p. 2
  45. Cemârtan, pp. 127–128, 138
  46. Suveică, p. 87
  47. Cemârtan, pp. 137, 140–141
  48. Cemârtan, p. 138. See also Basciani, pp. 170–171
  49. Suveică, p. 230
  50. Basciani, p. 210
  51. Iorga, Istoria..., p. 262
  52. Basciani, p. 100; Sasu, p. 245
  53. Iorga Istoria..., pp. 293–294
  54. 1 2 (Romanian) "O uitată recenzie a lui Șerban Cioculescu despre Cântece din stepă de Ion Buzdugan", in Litere, Nr. 11–12/2013, pp. 41–42
  55. Călinescu, p. 1029; Sasu, p. 245
  56. "Cronici. Premiile literare", in Gândirea, Nr. 6/1923, p. 130
  57. (Romanian) Leonidas Rados, "Un proiect interbelic eșuat: Mélanges Russo (1929–1930)", in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie George Barițiu. Series Historica, 2010, p. 266
  58. Călinescu, p. 941
  59. Iorga, Istoria..., p. 293
  60. Eugen Lovinescu, Istoria literaturii române contemporane, II. Evoluția poeziei lirice, pp. 84–85. Bucharest: Editura Ancona, 1927
  61. 1 2 (Romanian) Ion Țurcanu, "Poezia basarabeană din interbelic", in Convorbiri Literare, June 2006
  62. Irina Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania, pp. 126–127. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000. ISBN 0-8014-8688-2
  63. Ioan Scurtu, "Întemeierea și activitatea Partidului Țărănesc — dr. N. Lupu (1927—1934)", in Revista de Istorie, Nr. 5/1976, p. 699
  64. Basciani, pp. 254–255
  65. Dinu Poștarencu, "Date inedite din biografia lui Constantin Stere", in Anuarul Muzeului Literaturii Române Iași, Vol. III, 2010, pp. 58–59
  66. Suveică, pp. 199–200
  67. Suveică, p. 199
  68. 1 2 (Romanian) Igor Cașu, "Arhivele comunismului. Cum era urmărită elita militară a Basarabiei de poliția politică sovietică", in Adevărul Moldova, January 19, 2011
  69. Dietmar Müller, Staatsbürger auf Widerruf Juden und Muslime als Alteritätspartner im rumänischen und serbischen Nationscode. Ethnonationale Staatsbürgerschaftskonzepte. 1878—1941 (Balkanologische Veröffentlichungen. Band 41). Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag, 2005, p. 367. ISBN 3-447-05248-1
  70. "Adunarea Deputaților. Sesiunea Extraordinară 1931", in Înfrățirea Românească, Nr. 21/1931, p. 205
  71. 1 2 Vadim Guzun, Comandorul Sablin. Liderul monarhiștilor ruși urmărit de Siguranță și de Securitate, 1926–1959, pp. 189–190. Bucharest: Editura Filos, 2014. ISBN 978-606-8619-03-3
  72. Nicolae Iorga, Doi ani de restaurație. Ce a fost, ce am vrut, ce am putut, p. 91. Vălenii de Munte: Datina Românească, 1932. OCLC 45882093
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References

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