Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí

Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí

Ostensibly Ruaidhrí's surname and title as they appear on folio 82v (part 2) of Royal Irish Academy MS P 6 (the Annals of the Four Masters).[1] The entry records the death of a member of Clann Ruaidhrí, likely Ruaidhrí himself, in 1318.
Predecessor Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí
Successor Raghnall Mac Ruaidhrí

Issue

Noble family Clann Ruaidhrí
Father Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí
Died 14 October 1318?
Battle of Faughart?

Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí (died 14 October 1318?) was a fourteenth-century Scottish magnate and chief of Clann Ruaidhrí.[note 1] He was an illegitimate son of Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí, and is recorded to have participated in the kindred's military actions against supporters of both the English Crown and Scottish Crown. Following the apparent death of his brother, Lachlann, Ruaidhrí appears to have taken control of the kindred, and firmly aligned the family with Robert I, King of Scotland. Ruaidhrí may well be the member of Clann Ruaidhrí who is recorded slain at the Battle of Faughart in support of the Bruce cause in Ireland. After his death, Ruaidhrí's half-sister, Cairistíona, attempted to transfer the Clann Ruaidhrí territories outwith the family. Ruaidhrí was survived by a daughter, Áine, and an illegitimate son, Raghnall. The latter fended off Cairistíona's actions and succeeded to the chiefship of Clann Ruaidhrí.

Clann Ruaidhrí

Ruaidhrí was an illegitimate son of Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí (died ×1296).[8] The latter had another illegitimate son, Lachlann Mac Ruaidhrí (fl. 12971307/1308), and a legitimate daughter, Cairistíona (fl. 12901318).[9] It was Ruaidhrí's generationthe second generation in descent from the family's eponymous founderthat members of Clann Ruaidhrí were first identified with a family name derived from this ancestor: for example in one record the sons of Ailéan are called "filiis Rodrici".[10] Clann Ruaidhrí was a branch of Clann Somhairle. Other branches of this overarching kindred included Clann Dubhghaill and Clann Domhnaill.

Conflict amongst Clann Somhairle

Arms of the Lord of Argyll as depicted in the fourteenth-century Balliol Roll.[11]

In 1296, Edward I, King of England (died 1307) invaded and easily conquered the Scottish realm.[12] Like most other Scottish landholders, Ruaidhrí's brother rendered homage to the triumphant king later that year.[13] Lachlann was married to a daughter of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, Lord of Argyll (died 1310).[14] The latter had been a staunch supporter of the Scottish king, which appears to have led Edward I to use the former's chief rival, Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill, Lord of Islay (died 1299?), as his principal agent in the maritime west. In this capacity, the aforesaid Clann Domhnaill chief attempted to contain the Clann Dubhghaill revolt against English authority.[15]

The struggle between the two Clann Somhairle namesakes seems to be attested not long after Alasdair Óg's appointment in April 1297, and is documented in two undated letters from the latter to Edward I. In the first, Alasdair Óg complained to the king that Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill and others had ravaged his territories. Alasdair Óg further reported that the Clann Ruaidhrí brothers had ravaged Skye and Lewis and Harris. Although he noted that Ruaidhrí had been apprehended and brought into the king's peace, Lachlann was still at large. At the end of the letter, the Clann Domhnaill chief implored upon Edward I to instruct the other noblemen of Argyll and Ross to aid him in his struggle against the king's enemies.[16]

Now-ruinous Inverlochy Castle, once a stronghold of the Comyn kindred, where Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill attempted to capture the region's largest warships, then in the hands of his opponents.

In the second letter, Alasdair Óg again appealed to the English Crown, complaining that he faced a united front from Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, the latter's son Donnchadh, (Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill's brother-in-law) John II Comyn, Lord of Badenoch (died 1303), and Lachlann himself. Alasdair Óg further reported that he had battled against Lachlann and Ruaidhrí; and related a specific expedition in which he pursued his opponents to the Comyn stronghold of Inverlochy Castle, but was unable to capture two massive galleysthe largest warships in the Western Isles. Much like the aforesaid letter, Alasdair Óg called upon the English king for financial support in combating his mounting opponents.[17]

Alasdair Óg seems to have been killed in battle against Clann Dubhghaill in 1299,[18] after which his brother Aonghus Óg appears to have succeeded him as chief of Clann Domhnaill.[19] In 1301, whilst in the service of the English Crown, Aonghus Óg entreated the king on behalf of Lachlann and Ruaidhríwho were then aiding the English-aligned military forces of Aonghus Óg and Hugh Bisset (fl. 1301)asking the king to grant the brothers feu of their ancestral lands.[20] Another letter, this one from Hugh to Edward I, reveals that Aonghus Óg, Eóin Mac Suibhne (fl. 12611301), and Hugh himself, were engaged in maritime operations against Clann Dubhghaill that year.[21]

Campaigning for and against Robert I

Seal of Robert I, King of Scotland.[22] After seizing the throne, this embattled king appears to have partly owed his survival to efforts of Ruaidhrí's sister, Cairistíona.

In February 1306, Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick (died 1329), a claimant to the Scottish throne, killed his chief rival to the kingship, John III Comyn, Lord of Badenoch.[23] Although the former seized the throne (as Robert I) by March, the English Crown immediately struck back, defeating his forces in June. By September, Robert I was a fugitive, and appears to have escaped into the Hebrides.[24] According to the chronicler John Fordun (died 1363), Lachlann's aforesaid sister, Cairistíona, played an instrumental part in Robert I's survival at this low point in his career, sheltering him along Scotland's western seaboard.[25][note 2] Later the next year, at about the time of Edward I's death in July 1307, Robert I mounted his remarkable return to power, first striking into Carrick in February.[28] In contrast to the assistance Cairistíona lent to the Scottish king, Lachlann sided himself closer with the English, as he appears to have personally sworn fealty to Edward I in August 1306, and petitioned for certain lands of a supporter to the Bruce cause.[29]

Arms of the Earl of Ross as depicted in Balliol Roll.[30]

In October, there is evidence indicating that a certain Cristin del Ard delivered messages from the English Crown to William II, Earl of Ross (died 1323), Lachlann, Ruaidhrí, and a certain Eóin mac Neacail (fl. 13061316).[31][note 3] William played a key role in Robert I's aforesaid misfortunes at about this time, as the earl captured the latter's wife and daughterElizabeth (died 1327) and Marjorie (died 1316)and delivered them into the hands of Edward I.[33] The correspondence delivered by Cristin could have concerned this particular episode,[34] and may evince an attempt by the English Crown to project pro-English power into the Isles against Robert I and his supporters.[35]

Arms of the Earl of Buchan as depicted in Balliol Roll.[30]

Lachlann last appears on record in 1307/1308 in correspondence between William and Edward II, King of England (died 1327).[36] At the time, the earl appears to have found himself in a perilous position as John Comyn, Earl of Buchan (died 1308), another northern opponent of Bruce, found himself the target of Robert I's attention late in 1307, and was soundly subdued by him in 1308.[37] This consolidation of power by the Scottish Crown was evidently not William's only concern, as he reported to Edward II that Lachlann refused to render to him the revenues that Lachlann owed to the English Crown. In the words of William, Lachlann "is such a high and mighty lord, he'll not answer to anyone except under great force or through fear of you".[36] The earl's letter is a testimonial to Clann Ruaidhrí power at this point in time;[38] and it would seem that the kindred's support for the Bruce cause may have been felt in Ross.[39] Certainly, the Chronicle of Lanercost reveals that Robert I received Hebridean support when he first launched his aforesaid return in Galloway.[40] Having been in conflict with William for over decade, it appears that Lachlann and his kin capitalised on Robert I's campaign against William and his confederates. In fact, king's success against the earl may well have stemmed from leading Islesmen like Lachlann himself.[41] Whatever the case, Lachlann disappears from the historical record, and seems to have been succeeded by Ruaidhrí.[42][note 4]

Contested Clann Ruaidhrí succession

Arms of the Earl of Mar as depicted in Balliol roll.[30]

Although Cairistíona was the sole legitimate offspring of their father,[45] it is unlikely that members of the kindred would have regarded legitimate birth as the sole qualification of succession.[46] In fact, as the leading male member of Clann Ruaidhrí, it is probable that Ruaidhrí himself possessed control of the kindred's wide-ranging territories.[47] Nevertheless, Ruaidhrí seems to have only gained formal recognition of his rights to the lordship after Cairistíona's resignation of her own claims.[48]

There is reason to suspect that Cairistíona's stake in the lordship posed a potential threat to Ruaidhrí and his descendants.[49] Not only was she was the wife of Donnchadh, son of Domhnall I, Earl of Mar (died ×1297),[50] but the latter's daughter, Iseabail, was in turn the first wife of Robert I,[51] and Domhnall I's son and comital successor, Gartnait (died c. 1302), was the husband of a sister of Robert I.[52] Furthermore, Cairistíona and Donnchadh had a son, Ruaidhrí, who potentially could have sought royal assistance in pursuance of his mother's claims.[53] The fact that the latter was named Ruaidhrí could indicate that he was not only named after his maternal grandfather, but that he was regarded as a potential successor to the Clann Ruaidhrí lordship.[54] Certainly, Cairistíona resigned her claims with the condition that, if her aforesaid brother died without a male heir, her like-named son would secure the inheritance.[55] Although the charter outlining her resignation is undated, it seems to have been granted early in the reign of Robert I, possibly before the end of the first decade the century.[56]

Arms of the Earl of Carrick as depicted in Balliol roll.[30]

On one hand, it is possible that the king orchestrated Ruaidhrí's succession to the lordship as a means of securing support from one of the most powerful families on the western coast.[53] On the other hand, the fact that Cairistíonaa close personal ally of Robert Ihad been superseded by Ruaidhría man with a comparatively chequered careercould indicate that the latter's consolidation of control was instead the result of internal family politics.[57] Whatever the case, Ruaidhrí was likely already regarded as the rightful chief, and the charter itself undeniably brought him under feudal dependence of the Scottish Crown.[58] Ruaidhrí's provincial lordship encompassed the mainland territories of Moidart, Arisaig, Morar, and Knoydart; and the island territories of Rhum, Eigg, Barra, St Kilda, and Uist.[59] This dominion, like the great lordships of Annandale and Galloway, was comparable to the kingdom's thirteen earldoms.[60]

Death in support of the Scottish Crown

The extent of the Clann Domhnaill Lordship of the Isles in 1343 (yellow). The Clann Ruaidhrí territories (red) were absorbed within this lordship after the death of Ruaidhrí's son, Raghnall in 1346.[61]

There is evidence to suggest that Ruaidhrí assisted the Scottish Crown in its campaigning against the Anglo-Irish in Ireland, and that he lost his life in the crushing Scottish defeat at the Battle of Faughart on 14 October 1318.[62] In 1315, Robert I's younger brother, Edward Bruce, Earl of Carrick (died 1318), launched an invasion of Ireland and claimed the high-kingship of Ireland. For three years, the Scots and their Irish allies campaigned on the island against the Anglo-Irish and their allies.[63] Although every other pitched-battle between the Scots and the Anglo-Irish resulted in a Scottish victory,[64] the utter catastrophe at Faughart cost Edward his life and brought an end to the Bruce regime in Ireland.[65] According to the Annals of Loch Cé, a certain "Mac Ruaidhri ri Innsi Gall" and a "Mac Domnaill, ri Oirir Gaidheal" were slain in the onslaught.[66] This source is mirrored by several other Irish annals including the Annals of Connacht,[67] the Annals of the Four Masters,[68] the Annals of Ulster,[69] and the Annals of Clonmacnoise.[70][note 5] The precise identities of these men are unknown for certain, although they seem to have been the heads of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill,[71] and the former man may well have been Ruaidhrí himself.[72][note 6] Another major engagement concerning Clann Ruaidhrí was a crushing defeat suffered when the forces of Connacht vanquished those of Bréifne the year before. According to the Annals of Connacht, seven score gallowglasses of a certain "Mac Ruaidri" were slain in the encounter.[81]

Now-ruinous Castle Tioram may well have been a Clann Ruaidhrí stronghold.[82] The island the fortress sits upon is first recorded in a charter of Ruaidhrí's half-sister, Cairistíona.[83]

Although Ruaidhrí seems to have ensured the continuation of his kindred by formally coming to terms with Robert I and campaigning in Ireland with the latter's brother,[53] there is evidence indicating that the Clann Ruaidhrí inheritance was contested by Cairistíona after his demise.[84] Ruaidhrí was survived by a daughter, Áine,[85] and an illegitimate son, Raghnall (died 1346).[86][note 7] The latter may well have been under age at the time of Ruaidhrí's death, and it is apparent that Cairistíona and her confederates attempted to seize control of the inheritance.[87] Although Cairistíona is recorded to have resigned her claimed rights to a certain Artúr Caimbéal after Ruaidhrí's death,[88] it is clear that Raghnall eventually succeeded in securing the region, and was regarded as the chief of Clann Ruaidhrí by most of his kin.[84][note 8] Despite Raghnall's success in securing control of his ancestral estate, upon his own demise these territories passed into the possession of Áine's husband (or former husband), Eóin Mac Domhnaill, Lord of the Isles (died c. 1387), chief of Clann Domhnaill.[94]

Ancestry

Notes

  1. Since the 1990s, academics have accorded Ruaidhrí various patronymic names in English secondary sources: Roderick Macruari,[2] Ruairi mac Allan,[3] Ruairi Macruarie,[4] Ruairi MacRuairi,[5] Ruari MacRuari,[6] Ruari macRuari.[7]
  2. Cairistíona was closely associated with Robert I. Her husband was not only a brother of his first wife, but a brother of the husband of Robert I's sister.[26] This relationship with Robert I may well account for her support.[27]
  3. Eóin appears to be the earliest member of Clann Mhic Neacail on record.[32]
  4. At about the turn of the twentieth century, partisan historians of Clann Domhnaill portrayed Lachlann, Ruaidhrí, and their kin as "Highland rovers", and likened their aforesaid exploits against Clann Domhnaill to the "piratical tendencies of the ancient Vikings".[43] Later in twentieth-century historical literature, Lachlann was still regarded a "sinister figure", likened to a "buccaneering predator", and described as a "shadowy figure ... always in the background, always a troublemaker".[44]
  5. The Annals of Clonmacnoise exists only in a early modern translation and gives: "mcRory king of the islands and mcDonnell prince of the Irish of Scotland".[70]
  6. The identity of the slain member of Clann Domhnaill is uncertain. He could have been Alasdair Óg (if he wasn't killed in 1299),[73] or a son of Alasdair Óg,[74] or perhaps Aonghus Óg Mac Domhnaill,[75] or a son of the latter.[76] Another possibility is that the slain chieftain is identical to a certain Dovenaldus de Yle (also known as Dovenaldus de Yle), an apparent leading member of Clann Domhnaill who appears on record in early fourteenth century.[77] This latter figure is described as a brother of a certain Gotherus. The men are attested in records revealing that Eóin Mac Dubhghaill was commissioned to bring both into the peace of Edward II in March 1313/1314 and March 1314/1315.[78] Although both may well have been members of Clann Domhnaill and indeed brothers,[79] another possibility is that these men are instead identical to the apparent chiefs of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill slain with Edward Bruce in 1318, and that the Latin and Anglo-Norman names accorded to Gotherus and Dovenaldus are actually garbled forms of the Gaelic surnames borne by the chiefs.[80]
  7. The identity of Raghnall's mother is unknown.[86]
  8. Cairistíona's charter is undated. The fact that she is called a widow, and is not named "of Mar", appears to be evidence that it dates to after her husband's death.[89] The list of witnesses who attested this grant is remarkable. It includes John Menteith, Domhnall Caimbéal, Alasdair Mac Neachdainn, Eóghan Mac Ìomhair, Donnchadh Caimbéal (son of Tomás Caimbéal), Niall Mac Gille Eóin, and (the latter's brother) Domhnall Mac Gille Eóin. The men all seem to have been close adherents of Robert I against Clann Dubhghaill, and all represented families of power along the western seaboard. An alliance of such men may well have been an intimidating prospect to the Clann Ruaidhrí leadership.[90] The territorial transfer outlined in Cairistíona's charter to Artúr differs from her earlier resignation to Ruaidhrí in the fact that it excludes the Uists and includes what came to be known as Castle Tioram. Why this is so is uncertain.[91] Quite why Cairistíona attempted to alienate the Clann Ruaidhrí estate from the kindred itself is uncertain. One possibility is that the contract was the prelude to a marriage contract with the Caimbéalaigh kindred.[92] Artúr and his like-named father appear to have been particularly ambitious members of this latter kindred, and men who clearly prospered from Robert I's dismemberment of the Clann Dubhghaill lordship.[93]

Citations

  1. Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; Royal Irish Academy (n.d.).
  2. Rixson (1982).
  3. Boardman, S (2006).
  4. Barrow (2003); Barrow (1988); Barrow (1973).
  5. Ewan (2006); McDonald (2006); Boardman, SI (2004); Brown (2004); Caldwell (2004); McDonald (1997).
  6. Campbell of Airds (2000).
  7. Roberts (1999).
  8. McDonald (2004) p. 181.
  9. McDonald (2004) p. 181; McDonald (1997) pp. 174, 189190; Barrow (1988) pp. 290, 347 n. 104.
  10. MacGregor (1989) pp. 2425, 25 n. 51; Barrow (1988) p. 347 n. 104; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; Stevenson (1870) p. 436 § 615; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; PoMS, H3/31/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84286 (n.d.).
  11. Campbell of Airds (2014) p. 204; McAndrew (2006) p. 66; McAndrew (1999) p. 693; McAndrew (1992); The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  12. Prestwich (2008); Brown (2004) p. 259.
  13. Barrow (2003) p. 347, 347 n. 2; Barrow (1973) p. 381, 381 n. 2.
  14. Boardman, S (2006) p. 54 n. 60; Sellar (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 211.
  15. Watson (2013) ch. 2; McNamee (2012b) ch. 3; Young; Stead (2010) pp. 6869; Brown (2004) pp. 258259; Rotuli Scotiæ ... (1814) p. 40; PoMS, H5/1/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88272 (n.d.).
  16. Watson (2013) ch. 2, ch. 2 n. 52; Barrow (2006) p. 147; Brown (2004) p. 259; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; McDonald (1997) pp. 165, 190; Barrow (1988) pp. 107, 347 n. 104; Rixson (1982) pp. 1315, 208 n. 2, 208 n. 4; Barrow (1973) p. 381; Stevenson (1870) p. 187188 § 444; Bain (1884) pp. 235236 § 904; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.-b); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 83146 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 83152 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 83153 (n.d.).
  17. Watson (2013) ch. 2, ch. 2 n. 52; Brown (2009) pp. 1011; Fisher (2005) p. 93; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; Sellar (2000) p. 212; McDonald (1997) pp. 154, 165; Barrow (1988) pp. 107, 347 n. 104; Rixson (1982) pp. 1516, 208 n. 4, 208 n. 6; Barrow (1973) p. 381; Stevenson (1870) pp. 189191 § 445; Bain (1884) p. 235 § 903; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.-c); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84392 (n.d.).
  18. Penman (2014) p. 65, 65 n. 7; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61; McDonald (1997) pp. 168169, 168169 n. 36.
  19. McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  20. Cameron (2014) p. 153; Barrow (2003) p. 347; McDonald (1997) pp. 167, 169, 190191; Barrow (1988) pp. 168, 347 n. 104; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; Barrow (1973) p. 381; Stevenson (1870) p. 436 § 615; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; PoMS, H3/31/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84286 (n.d.).
  21. McDonald (1997) p. 167; Reid (1960) pp. 1011; Stevenson (1870) p. 435 § 614; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1253; PoMS, H3/90/11 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84282 (n.d.).
  22. Birch (1905) p. 135 pl. 20.
  23. Barrow (2008); Young (2004); McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  24. Barrow (2008); McDonald (1997) pp. 170174.
  25. Young; Stead (2010) p. 92; Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61; McDonald (2006) p. 79; Barrow (2003) p. 347; McDonald (1997) pp. 174, 189, 196; Duffy (2002) p. 60; Barrow (1988) p. 170; Barrow (1973) pp. 380381; Skene (1872) p. 335; Skene (1871) p. 343.
  26. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Barrow (1988) pp. 170, 383, 384.
  27. McDonald (2006) p. 79.
  28. Barrow (2008); McDonald (1997) pp. 174175; Barrow (1988) pp. 170173.
  29. Barrow (2006) p. 147; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Barrow (1988) p. 327; Barrow (1973) pp. 381382.
  30. 1 2 3 4 The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  31. Brown (2008) p. 20; Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 67; PoMS, H5/3/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 87337 (n.d.); Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 205.
  32. Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 68.
  33. Barrow (2004); Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 67; Barrow (1988) pp. 160161.
  34. Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 67.
  35. Brown (2008) p. 20.
  36. 1 2 Barrow (2003) p. 348; McDonald (1997) p. 190; Barrow (1988) p. 177; Barrow (1973) p. 382; Rixson (1982) pp. 1819, 208 n. 10; Bain (1888) pp. 382 § 1837, 400; PoMS, H3/20/7 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88778 (n.d.).
  37. McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Neville (2012) p. 1; Watson (2004b); McQueen (2002) p. 223; Barrow (1988) pp. 175177.
  38. Rixson (1982) pp. 1819.
  39. McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Brown (2008) pp. 3132.
  40. McNamee (2012a) ch. 2 n. 28; Maxwell (1913) p. 188; Stevenson (1839) p. 212.
  41. Brown (2008) pp. 3132.
  42. McDonald (1997) p. 191; Barrow (1988) p. 290.
  43. McDonald (1997) p. 190; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) p. 87.
  44. McDonald (2006) p. 79; McDonald (1997) p. 190; Barrow (1988) p. 290.
  45. Ewan (2006).
  46. Barrow (1973) p. 381.
  47. Raven (2005) p. 63; Barrow (1988) pp. 290291; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Barrow (1973) p. 381.
  48. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 46, 54 n. 52, 55 n. 61; Raven (2005) p. 63; Boardman, SI (2004); Brown (2004) p. 263; Barrow (1988) pp. 290291; Rixson (1982) p. 27 fig. 2; Thomson (1912) pp. 428429 § 9; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 495496; Origines Parochiales Scotiae (1854) pp. 363, 366.
  49. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546.
  50. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Barrow (1988) p. 384.
  51. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Barrow (2008); Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Barrow (1988) pp. 141, 383, 384.
  52. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Duncan (2008); Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Watson (2004a); Barrow (1988) pp. 44, 141, 383, 384.
  53. 1 2 3 Boardman, S (2006) p. 46.
  54. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61.
  55. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61; Ewan (2006); Brown (2004) p. 263; Barrow (1988) pp. 290291.
  56. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61; Ewan (2006); Raven (2005) p. 63.
  57. Brown (2004) p. 263.
  58. Barrow (1988) p. 291.
  59. Daniels (2013) p. 94; Boardman, SI (2004).
  60. McNamee (2012) ch. 1.
  61. Lynch (1991) p. 65.
  62. Daniels (2013) p. 94; Brown (2008) pp. 143, 153; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546; Boardman, SI (2004); Caldwell (2004) p. 72; Duffy (2002) p. 61, 195 n. 64; Roberts (1999) pp. 144, 181; McDonald (1997) p. 191; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  63. Duncan (2010); Young; Stead (2010) pp. 144, 146147; Brown (2008) pp. 143153; Duffy (2005); Brown (2004) pp. 264265; Frame (1998) pp. 7198; Lydon (1992) pp. 35.
  64. Lydon (1992) p. 3.
  65. Duncan (2010); Duffy (2005).
  66. Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1318.7; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1318.7; Caldwell (2004) p. 72; McDonald (1997) p. 191; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103.
  67. Penman (2014) p. 71; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1318.8; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1318.8; McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Davies (2000) p. 175 n. 14; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Dundalk (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht, p. 253 (n.d.).
  68. Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Duffy (1998) pp. 79, 102.
  69. Annala Uladh (2005) § 1315.5; Boardman, SI (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 217 n. 155; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1315.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Lydon (1992) p. 5; Barrow (1988) pp. 361 n. 15, 377 n. 103; Lamont (1981) p. 166; Duncan; Brown (19561957) p. 205 n. 9; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri, King of the Hebrides (n.d.); AU, 1315 (n.d.).
  70. 1 2 McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103; Murphy (1896) p. 281.
  71. Duffy (2002) p. 61, 195 n. 64; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  72. Daniels (2013) p. 94; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546; Brown (2004) p. 265; Boardman, SI (2004); Caldwell (2004) p. 72; Duffy (2002) p. 61, 195 n. 64; Roberts (1999) pp. 144, 181; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  73. Penman (2014) pp. 7071.
  74. Cameron (2014) p. 153; Penman (2014) p. 71; Barrow (1988) p. 361 n. 15.
  75. Brown (2008) p. 153; Penman (2014) p. 71; Brown (2004) p. 265.
  76. Penman (2014) p. 71; McNamee (2012) ch. genealogical tables tab. 6; Duffy (1991) p. 312 n. 52; McDonald (1997) pp. 186187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  77. Duffy (1991) p. 312; Bain (1888) p. 377 § 1822; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 121, 139; PoMS, H1/27/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88734 (n.d.).
  78. Penman (2014) p. 70; Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 7; Lamont (1981) pp. 165166; Bain (1888) p. 377 § 1822; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 121, 139; PoMS, H1/27/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88734 (n.d.).
  79. Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 7.
  80. Lamont (1981) pp. 165166.
  81. Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1317.8; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1317.8; Brown (2004) p. 265 n. 14; Kilmore (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht, p. 251 (n.d.).
  82. Tabraham (2005) pp. 29, 111.
  83. Stell (2014) p. 273; Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Fisher (2005) p. 91; Raven (2005) p. 63; McDonald (1997) pp. 189190 n. 120; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79436 (n.d.).
  84. 1 2 Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Boardman, SI (2004).
  85. Proctor (2006).
  86. 1 2 Boardman, SI (2004).
  87. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546; Proctor (2006).
  88. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4647; Boardman, SI (2005) p. 149 n. 4; Fisher (2005) p. 91; Raven (2005) p. 63; Boardman, SI (2004); Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 7172; McDonald (1997) pp. 189190 n. 120; Barrow (1980) p. 139 n. 110; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79436 (n.d.).
  89. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 62.
  90. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4647.
  91. Raven (2005) p. 63.
  92. Raven (2005) p. 63; Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 7172.
  93. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4447; Boardman, SI (2005) pp. 124, 149 n. 4.
  94. Stell (2014) p. 273; Daniels (2013) pp. 25, 9091, 95; Boardman, SI (2004); Munro; Munro (2004); Oram (2004) p. 124.
  95. 1 2 3 4 Brown (2004) p. 77 fig. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii.

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