Tiberian vocalization
The Tiberian vocalization, Tiberian pointing, or Tiberian niqqud (Hebrew: נִיקוּד טְבֵרִיָנִי) is a system of diacritics (niqqud) devised by the Masoretes of Tiberias to add to the consonantal text of the Hebrew Bible to produce the Masoretic Text.[1] This system soon became used to vocalize other Hebrew texts as well.
The Tiberian vocalization marks vowels and stress, makes fine distinctions of consonant quality and length, and serves as punctuation. While the Tiberian system was devised for Tiberian Hebrew, it has become the dominant system for vocalizing all forms of Hebrew, having long since eclipsed the Babylonian and Palestinian vocalization systems.
Consonant diacritics
The sin dot distinguishes between the two values of ש. A dagesh indicates a consonant is geminate or unspirantized, while a raphe indicates spirantization. The mappiq indicates that ה is consonantal rather than silent in syllable-coda position.
Vowel diacritics
The seven vowel qualities of Tiberian Hebrew are indicated straightforwardly by distinct diacritics:
niqqud with א | אַ | אֶ | אֵ | אִ | אָ | אֹ | אֻ | אוּ |
name | patah | segol | tzere | hiriq | qamatz | holam | qubutz | shuruq |
value | /a/ | /ɛ/ | /e/ | /i/ | /ɔ ~ ɑ/ | /o/ | /u/ |
The diacritics qubutz and shuruq both represent /u/, but shuruq is used when the text uses full spelling (with waw as a mater lectionis). Each of these vowel phonemes could be allophonically lengthened; occasionally this length is marked with metheg. (In this function metheg also can indirectly indicate when a following shva is vocal.)
The ultrashort vowels are slightly more complicated. There were two graphemes corresponding to the vowel /ă/, attested by alternations in manuscripts like ארֲריך~ארְריך, ואשמֳעָה~ואשמְעָה..[2] In addition, one of these graphemes could also be silent:
niqqud with א | אְ | אֲ | אֱ | אֳ |
name | shva | hataf patah | hataf segol | hataf qamatz |
value | /ă/, ⌀ | /ă/ | /ɛ̆/ | /ɔ̆/ |
Shva was used both to indicate lack of a vowel (quiescent šwa, shva nah) and as another symbol to represent the phoneme /ă/ (mobile šwa, shva na), the latter also represented by hataf patah.[2][3] The phoneme /ă/ had a number of allophones; /ă/ had to be written with shva rather than hataf patah when not pronounced as [ă].[4] Before a laryngeal-pharyngeal, mobile šwa was pronounced as an ultrashort copy of the following vowel, e.g. וּבָקְעָה [uvɔqɔ̆ʕɔ], and as [ĭ] preceding /j/, e.g. תְדֵמְּיוּ֫נִי /θăðammĭjuni/.[2] Use of ḥataf vowels was considered mandatory under gutturals but optional under other letters, and varies considerably among manuscripts.[5] This is referenced specifically by medieval grammarians:
If one argues that the dalet of 'Mordecai' (and other letters in other words) has hatef qames, tell him, 'but this sign is only a device used by some scribes to warn that the consonants should be pronounced fully, and not slurred over'.
The names of the vowel diacritics are iconic and show some variation:
The names of the vowels are mostly taken from the form and action of the mouth in producing the various sounds, as פַּתַ֫ח opening; צֵרֵ֫י a wide parting (of the mouth), also שֶׁ֫בֶר) breaking, parting (cf. the Arab, kasr); חִ֫ירֶק (also חִרֶק) narrow opening; ח֫וֹלֶם closing, according to others fullness, i.e. of the mouth (also מְלֹא פּוּם fullness of the mouth). קָ֫מֶץ also denotes a slighter, as שׁוּרֶק and קִבּוּץ (also קבוץ פּוּם) a firmer, compression or contraction of the mouth. Segôl (סְגוֹל bunch of grapes) takes its name from its form. So שָׁלֹשׁ נְקֻדּוֹת (three points) is another name for Qibbúṣ. Moreover the names were mostly so formed (but only later), that the sound of each vowel is heard in the first syllable (קָמֶץ for קֹמֶץ, פַּתַח for פֶּתַח, צֵרִי for צְרִי); in order to carry this out consistently some even write Sägôl, Qomeṣ-ḥatûf, Qûbbûṣ.
Cantillation
Cantillation signs mark stress and punctuation: metheg may mark secondary stress; maqqaf conjoins words into one stress unit, which normally takes only one cantillation mark on the final word in the unit.
See also
References
- ↑ The portions of the Hebrew Bible which are in Biblical Aramaic use the same system of vocalization.
- 1 2 3 Blau (2010:105–106)
- ↑ Blau (2010:117–118)
- ↑ Blau (2010:118)
- ↑ Yeivin (1980:283)
Bibliography
- Blau, Joshua (2010). Phonology and Morphology of Biblical Hebrew. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. ISBN 1-57506-129-5.
- Sáenz-Badillos, Angel (1993). A History of the Hebrew Language. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-55634-1.
- Yeivin, Israel (1980). Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah. Scholars Press. ISBN 0-89130-373-1.
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