Women in Classical Athens

Photograph of a funeral stele, depicting a woman with her maidservant.
The Grave Stele of Hegeso (c.410–400 BC) is one of the best surviving examples of Attic grave stelae. From around 450, Athenian funerary monuments increasingly depicted women, as their civic importance increased.[1]

The study of the lives of women in Classical Athens (c. 500–300 BC) has become a significant part of classical scholarship since the 1970s. Most of our knowledge of Athenian women's lives comes from literary evidence, in the form of tragedy, comedy, and oratory. There is also archaeological evidence, for instance from epigraphy and ancient Greek pottery. All of our evidence comes from sources produced by men, and so we have no direct access to Athenian women's perspectives on their own lives.

Athenian girls were not formally educated. Instead they were taught by their mothers the skills they needed to run a household. They married young, and were responsible for bearing and raising children. Ideally, women were expected to remain inside the house and avoid contact with unrelated men. Historians consider that this cannot have been strictly enforced in practice, however.

Outside the domestic sphere, Athenian women took part in much of the city's religious life. Unlike citizen men, however, women were unable to involve themselves in the political process. From 451–450 BC, free Athenian women became increasingly important as Athenian citizenship began to require an Athenian-born mother as well as a citizen father. While Athenian women were limited in the economic activities they could be involved in, many of them did in fact work, and through dowries their property could be a significant part of the household wealth.

Historiography

It cannot be said too strongly or too frequently that the selection of book-texts now available to us does not represent Greek society as a whole.
— John J. Winkler, The Constraints of Desire: The Anthropology of Sex and Gender in Ancient Greece[2]

The major sources for the lives of women in Classical Athens are literary, political and legal,[3] and artistic.[4] There is significant debate among scholars over how far each of these types of source can be used, especially considering that all of the surviving written sources from the classical period were produced by and for men.[5]

For instance, Sarah Pomeroy argues that "tragedies cannot be used as an independent source for the life of the average woman",[6] as the position of women in tragedy was dictated by their role in the pre-Classical myths the tradegians used as sources.[7] By contrast, A.W. Gomme's 1925 work on "The Position of Women in Athens in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries" relied heavily on tragedy as a source, arguing that classical Athenian tragedy modelled its female characters on the lives of women at the time.[8] Similarly, the relevance of comedy as evidence is disputed. Pomeroy argues that, as it more often deals with ordinary people rather than mythological heroes and heroines, comedy is more reliable as a source for social history than tragedy.[6] On the other hand, Gomme criticised the use of Old Comedy as a source of evidence about daily life "for anything may happen in Aristophanes".[9]

Archaeological and iconographical evidence provide a wider range of perspectives than the elite voices of ancient literature. The producers of ancient Athenian art are known to have included metics, foreign residents who while free did not have the rights of citizens.[10] The art that was produced, particularly pottery, grave stelai, and figurines, were also used by a wider range of people than much Athenian literature, including women and children.[10]

Scholars of women in classical Athens have always been concerned with how they were treated by men.[3] Early scholars held that the place of Athenian women was "ignoble".[11] This position was challenged by Gomme in 1925, in a paper which has influenced scholars arguing that women in classical Athens had high status despite their legal position ever since.[12] Pomeroy attributes this difference in viewpoints to the different types of evidence which were prioritised by different scholars, with those arguing for the high status of Athenian women predominantly citing tragedy, while those arguing against it placing more emphasis on the evidence of oratory.[8]

Classics has been characterised as a "notoriously conservative" field,[13] and it was not until feminist scholarship began to influence the discipline in the 1970s that focused work on ancient women began to be a significant part of classical scholarship.[14] Since the 1970s, the amount of scholarship on women in the ancient world has increased enormously. The first major publication in the field was a special issue of the journal Arethusa published in 1973.[15] Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves, first published in 1975, marked "the inauguration of women's studies within classics",[16] and "legitimized the study of Greek and Roman women in ancient times".[13] In 1976, a single review was able to cover "the entire field of recent scholarship on women in all of classical antiquity".[17] By 1980, writing about women in Classical Athens could be described as "positively trendy".[3] Yet by 2000, a review of books focused on women in ancient Greece published over a three year period could cover eighteen separate works without being close to exhaustive.[17] The range of subjects covered by women's historians also increased substantially: in 1980, the question of women's status was the most important topic to historians of Athenian women,[3] but by 2000 scholars were also working on "gender, the body, sexuality, masculinity and other topics".[17]

Along with the increasing interest in women's history among classical scholars, a number of related disciplines have also become more significant. Since the second world war, for instance, classicists have become more interested in the family, with W.K. Lacey's The Family in Classical Greece, first published in 1968, being particularly influential.[18] The history of childhood, too, has emerged as a sub-discipline of history since the 1960s.[19] Other disciplines have particularly be influenced by feminist approaches to the classics, such as the study of ancient medicine.[20]

Childhood

Photograph of a grave stele commemorating a young girl
Athenian girls would have played with dolls as children. Plangon, the young girl on this grave stele, carries a doll in her right hand.

In Classical Athens, the infant mortality rate was high, with perhaps 25% of children dying at or soon after birth.[21] In addition to the natural risks of childbirth, the ancient Athenians practiced infanticide. Sarah Pomeroy argues that girls were more likely to be killed than boys.[22] By contrast, Donald Engels has argued that a high rate of female infanticide was "demographically impossible",[23] though scholars since have largely dismissed this argument.[24][note 1] While most scholars have concerned themselves with trying to determine the rates of female infanticide, Cynthia Patterson rejects this approach as asking the wrong questions, and suggests that scholars should instead consider the social importance and impact of the practice.[26]

Grossman says that girls appear to be commemorated about as often as boys on surviving Attic gravestones, though previous scholars have suggested that boys were commemorated up to twice as often.[27] If they survived, Athenian children, male and female alike, were named in a ceremony ten days after their birth, known as the dekate.[28] Other Athenian ceremonies celebrating childbirth – at five, seven, and forty days after the birth respectively – were also observed for both boys and girls.[29] Later rites of passage seem to have been more common and more elaborate for boys than girls, however.[30]

Classical Athenian girls probably reached menarche at about the age of fourteen, at which point they would have married.[31] Girls who died before marriage were mourned for their failure to reach this point. Memorial vases for dead girls in classical Athens often portrayed them dressed as a bride, and were sometimes shaped like loutrophoroi, the kind of vase used to transport water used to bathe before the wedding day.[32]

Athenian girls were not formally educated; instead their mothers taught them the domestic skills necessary for running their households. Formal education for boys consisted of rhetoric, needed for effective political participation, and physical education, for military service. These skills were not considered necessary for women, who were barred from these activities.[33] Classical art shows that both girls and boys played with toys such as spinning tops, hoops, and seesaws, as well as games such as piggyback.[34] The gravestone of Plangon, an Athenian girl aged about five, now in the Munich Glyptothek, shows her holding a doll and with a set of knucklebones on the wall in the background.[35]

We know more about the role of Athenian children in religion than we do about any other aspect of their lives, and they seem to have played quite a prominent role in religious ceremonies.[36] We know that girls made offerings to Artemis on the eve of their marriage, during pregnancy, and at childbirth.[21] Girls as well as boys are portrayed on wine jugs which are connected with the spring festival the Anthesteria, though depictions of boys on these jugs are much more common.[34]

Family life

Marriage

Photograph of a Greek pot, decorated in the red-figure style, and showing a woman in a chariot, pulled by a team of horses.
Marriage was considered to be the most important part of a free Athenian woman's life. This box, known as a pyxis, would have been used to hold a woman's jewellery or cosmetics, and is decorated with a scene depicting a wedding procession.

The primary role of free women in Classical Athens was to marry and bear children.[32] This emphasis on marriage as a way to perpetuate the family through bearing legitimate children had changed from the Athens of the archaic period, when at least amongst the most powerful, marriages were as much about making beneficial connections as they were about perpetuating the family.[37] In pursuit of this, Athenian women typically first married around the age of fourteen,[38] usually to much older men.[39] Prior to this point, they were looked after by their closest male relative, who was responsible for choosing their husband:[note 2][41] the bride herself had little say in the choice.[42] As a Classical Athenian marriage was concerned with the production of legitimate children who could inherit their parents' property,[43] women often married relatives.[41] This was especially the case for women who had no brothers, known as epikleroi, whose nearest male relative was given the first option to marry her.[44]

Athenian women married with a dowry which was intended to provide for her livelihood.[45] Depending on the family's wealth, a dowry might have been worth as much as 25% of the family's property.[46] The daughters of even the poorest families seem to have had dowries worth ten minae, though rich families could provide much larger dowries: Demosthenes' sister, for instance, had a dowry of two talents (120 minae).[47] Dowries usually consisted of movable goods and cash, though on rare occasions land was included as part of a dowry.[46]

Only in exceptional circumstances would there have been no dowry, as its lack could have been taken as proof that no legitimate marriage occurred.[28] Occasionally, a dowry may have been overlooked if a bride's familial connections are extremely favorable. For example, Callias was supposed to have married Elpinice, a daughter of the noble Philaidae, in order to align himself with that family, being himself sufficiently wealthy that the lack of dowry did not affect him.[48]

Married women were responsible for the day to day running of the household. At marriage, they assumed responsibility for the prosperity of their husband's household and the health of its members.[49] Their primary responsibilities were bearing, raising, and caring for children, and weaving cloth and making clothes.[50] They would also have been responsible for caring for sick members of the household, supervising slaves, and ensuring that the household had enough food.[51]

In Classical Athenian marriages, both husband and wife could legally initiate a divorce.[32] So too could the woman's closest male relative – the man who would, were she not married, be her kurios – apparently even against the wishes of the married couple.[52] Upon divorce, the husband was required to either return the dowry, or pay 18% interest on it annually, so that the woman's livelihood would continue to be provided for and she would be able to remarry.[48] If there were children at the time of the divorce, they remained in their father's house, and he continued to be responsible for their upbringing.[53] In cases where a woman committed adultery, her husband was legally required to divorce her.[54] If an epikleros was already married,[note 3] she would be divorced so that she could marry her nearest relative.[54]

Seclusion

In Classical Athens, the ideal woman stayed apart from men.[38] This ideology of separation was so strong that a speaker in a lawsuit (Isaeus' Against Simon) could assure the jury that his sister and nieces were ashamed even to be in the presence of their relatives, as evidence of their respectability.[56] In pursuit of this, women tended to live in the more remote rooms of the house, farther away from windows and entrances.[57] Some historians have taken this ideology to be an accurate description of how Athenian women lived their lives. Tyrell, for example, has claimed that "the outer door of the house is the boundary for the free women".[58] Even in antiquity, however, it was recognised that this ideology of separation could not be practiced by many Athenians. In the Politics, for instance, Aristotle asked: "How is it possible to prevent the wives of the poor from going out of doors?"[59]

The ideal of respectable women staying out of the public eye was so entrenched in classical Athens that for a citizen woman to simply be named in classical Athens could be a source of shame.[60] Thucydides wrote in his History of the Peloponnesian War that "great honour is hers, whose reputation among males is least, whether for praise or blame".[61] Instead, women were referred to in relation to their male relatives,[62] a practice which could create confusion in cases where two sisters were both referred to as the son or brother of the same man.[63] Even in the case of law-court speeches, where the position of women is often a key point, especially in inheritance cases, orators seem to have deliberately avoided naming them.[64] For instance, though Demosthenes speaks about his mother and sister in five extant speeches relating to his inheritance, neither of them is ever named, and in his entire corpus of extant works, only 27 women – compared to 509 men – are referred to by name.[65] The use of a woman's personal name – as in the case of Neaera and Phano in Apollodoros' speech Against Neaera – has been interpreted as implying that she is not respectable.[63] Gould has pointed out that women named in Classical Athenian oratory can be divided into three groups: low status women, the speaker's opponents,[note 4] and the dead.[65]

In practice, however, only rich families would have been able to strictly enforce this ideology.[67] Women's responsibilities would have forced them to leave the house frequently, for instance to fetch water from the well or to wash clothing. Wealthy families could have had slaves do this while free women stayed in the house, but in most families there would not have been enough slaves to avoid free women leaving the house at all.[68] John Gould has argued that even Athenian women whose economic position would have forced them to work outside the house would have had a conceptual, if not physical, boundary which would have prevented them from interacting with unrelated men.[69] By contrast, Kostas Vlassopoulos has posited that some areas of Athens, such as the agora, were what he calls "free spaces", where women and men could interact.[70]

Even the most respectable of citizen women came out for ritual occasions, primarily festivals, sacrifices, and funerals, where they would have interacted with men.[71] The Thesmophoria, an important festival to Demeter restricted to women, was run entirely by Athenian citizen women, who self-organised, electing officials to plan the festival.[72] However, not just religious and ritual occasions, but also social reasons, saw Athenian women outdoors. David Cohen argues that "one of the most important activities of women included visiting or helping friends or relatives",[72] and that even wealthy women who could afford to spend their entire times indoors probably took part in social interactions with other women out of the house in addition to the religious and ritual occasions on which they were seen in public.[73] In fact, as Schaps argues, citing Cohen, while the ideology of separation in Classical Athens would have expected that women stay indoors when they did not have any reason to be outside, activities outside of the house which needed doing would have in practice overridden this ideology.[74]

Legal rights

The juridical status of women in Athens is beautifully indicated by the single entry under 'women' in the index to Harrison's Law of Athens i: it reads simply 'women, disabilities'.
— John Gould, "Law, Custom and Myth: Aspects of the Social Position of Women in Classical Athens"[52]

Athenian women, like slaves and metics, were permanently denied political freedoms,[75] being excluded from the law courts and the Assembly.[76] Nicole Loraux argues that Athenian women were not even considered citizens[77] though Eva Cantarella disagrees, arguing that free Athenian women were considered to be citizens.[78]

In the law courts, juries were all male,[79] and women were unable to appear as litigants. Instead, they would be represented by their male guardian (kurios), or, in the rare cases where he were on the other side of the dispute, by any man who wished to.[80] Simon Goldhill wrote that "the Athenian court seems to have been remarkably unwilling to allow any female presence in the civic space of the lawcourt itself".[81] At the same time, in the political sphere it was men who made up the Assembly and served in political office.[82]

While Athenian women were formally prevented from taking part in the democratic process, Kostas Vlassopoulos argues that they would have been exposed to political debate in the Agora.[83] Also, from the time of the Periclean law of citizenship in 451–50, in which Athenian citizenship was limited to those born of two Athenian parents, not simply those with Athenian fathers,[84] Athenian women's importance seems to have increased, even though they gained no formal legal rights.[85]

Religion

Religion was the one area of public life where women could participate freely.[86] Christopher Carey goes so far as to say that it was the "only area of Greek life in which a woman could approach anything like the influence of a man".[87] Women's ritual activities included being responsible for mourning at funerals,[88] and involvement in both exclusively female and mixed-sex cult activity, and was an indispensable part of Athenian society.[89]

Cult of Athena

Photograph of part of the Parthenon frieze, showing five girls in profile.
The Panathenaia was Athens' most important religious festival. The Parthenon Frieze is believed to show the procession of the Greater Panatheneia. In this section, the leading girl carries an incense burner; those behind her carry jugs for pouring libations.

The cult of Athena Polias, the city's eponymous goddess, was central to Athenian society, used to reinforce concepts of morality and the structure of society.[50] Women played a key role in the cult, and the priestesshood of Athena was a position of great importance.[90] The priestess of Athena was capable of using her influence to support political positions. For instance, Herodotus tells us that before the battle of Salamis, the priestess of Athena supported the evacuation of Athens, telling the Athenians that the snake sacred to Athena which lived on the Acropolis had already left.[90]

The most important festival to Athena in Athens was the Panathenaea, held annually, which was open to participation from both men and women.[90] Men and women seem not to have been segregated during the procession leading the animals to be sacrificed in the festival to the altar, which was the most religiously significant part of the festival.[90] In this procession, young noble girls called kanephoroi were responsible for carrying sacred baskets. These girls had to be virgins, and to prevent a candidate from being selected was, according to Pomeroy, to question their good name.[91] For instance, the sister of Harmodius was supposed to have first been proposed and then rejected as a kanephoros by the sons of Pisistratus, which insult precipitated Harmodius' assassination of Hipparchus.[92]

Every year, the women of Athens were responsible for weaving a new peplos for a wooden statue of Athena. Every fourth year, for the Great Panathenaia, the peplos was for a much larger statue of Athena, and was big enough to be fixed as a sail.[93] This task was begun by two girls between the ages of seven and eleven and then finished by other women chosen for the task.[94]

Women's festivals

The most important festival reserved solely for women was the Thesmophoria, a fertility rite for Demeter reserved for married noblewomen. During this festival, women stayed for three days on Demeter's hilltop sanctuary, performing rites and celebrating.[95] The specific rituals of the Thesmophoria are unknown, but it is known that pigs were sacrificed and buried, and the remains of those sacrificed the previous year were offered to the goddess.[96] Other festivals reserved for women included the Brauronia and the Arrhephoria. Both of these festivals celebrated rites of passage in which girls became adult women. In the Brauronia, virgin girls were consecrated to Artemis of Brauron before their marriages;[95] in the Arrhephoria, girls known as Arrhephoroi who had spent the previous year serving Athena left the Acropolis by a passage close to the precinct of Aphrodite, carrying baskets filled with items unknown to them.[97]

Theatre

The Athenian festival of the Great Dionysia included five days of dramatic performances in the Theatre of Dionysus. The Lenaia also involved a dramatic competition as part of the festival. Whether or not women were permitted to attend the theatre in these festivals has long been debated by classicists.[note 5] The debate revolves largely around whether attendance at the theatre should be understood as a religious or a civic event.[99]

Jeffrey Henderson makes the case for women's presence in the theatre, citing Plato's Laws and Gorgias as saying that drama was addressed to men, women and children;[100] as well as later stories about Athenian theatre, such as the tale that Aeschylus' Eumenides had frightened women in the audience into miscarrying.[101] Other evidence which has been put forward for the presence of women at the theatre in Athens includes the absence of surviving prohibitions against women's presence, and the importance of women in Athenian ritual, especially in rituals associated with Dionysus.[99] By contrast, Simon Goldhill is more sceptical, concluding that the evidence is fundamentally inconclusive.[102] He argues that the theatre can be seen as a social and political event, and therefore on analogy with the Assembly and the courtroom, women may have been excluded.[103] More recently, Roselli has argued that while Goldhill's perspective is valuable, he does not sufficiently consider the ritual purposes of the theatre.[103] If women did attend the theatre, they may have sat separately from the men.[104]

Private religion

Photograph showing detail from an Athenian vase. A woman leaves a garland on a tomb.
In classical Athens, women were responsible for visiting graves to leave offerings, as is shown on this lekythos.

Along with the major community-based religious rituals, women played an important role in domestic cults.[105] For instance, women played an important part in funerary and mourning rituals. By the classical period, laws limited which women could mourn at a funeral, with mourners having to be cousins of the deceased or more closely related.[106] Women exercised influence over funeral arrangements, for instance with the speaker of Isaeus 8 explaining that he acceded to his grandmother's wishes regarding how his grandfather would be buried.[107]

This responsibility continued after the funeral itself, when it was women were responsible for regularly visiting the graves of dead family members to present offerings.[105] Customarily, there were visits to a tomb three, nine, thirty days, and a year, after a funeral.[108] Images on Attic lekythoi show women bringing offerings to the grave.[109]

Economic activities

Photograph of a red-figure vase showing two women washing clothes
Photograph of a red-figure vase showing a woman selling food
Respectable free women were expected to involve themselves in domestic tasks such as washing clothes (left); in reality, many worked (right).

Legally, Athenian women's economic powers were strictly constrained. The traditional view is that ancient Greek women, particularly in Classical Athens, lacked economic influence.[110] Athenian women were forbidden from engaging in contracts worth more than a medimnos of barley, enough to feed an average family for six days.[111] We know of at least one instance, however, where an Athenian woman dealt with a significantly larger sum,[112] and Deborah Lyons notes that the existence of such a law has "recently come under question".[113] Despite this, there is no evidence of Athenian women owning land or slaves, the two most valuable forms of property at the time.[114]

While Athenian women were not legally permitted to dispose of large sums of money, they frequently did have large sums associated with them in the form of dowries, which were to be used to support them throughout their lives.[48] The income derived from a dowry could be significant, and the larger the dowry a woman had relative to her husband's wealth, the more influence she was likely to have in the household, as the wife would retain the dowry if the couple divorced.[115] Athenian women could also acquire property by inheritance, if they were the closest surviving relative.[note 6][117] However, they could not legally contractually acquire or dispose of property.[114]

While it was expected that respectable Athenian women stayed separate from unrelated men, and Athenian citizens subscribed to the idea that it was degrading for citizen-women to work,[118] women both free and unfree are attested working in various capacities. We have evidence of women working both in those occupations which were an extension of the jobs women would have been expected to do in the household, such as textiles work and washing,[119] and those for which there is no such obvious link. Women are attested as working, for instance, as cobblers, gilders, net-weavers, potters, and grooms.[120]

Some Athenian citizen women worked as merchants,[121] and Athenian law forbade criticising anyone, male or female, for selling things in the marketplace.[72][note 7] Women would also have gone out to the market to buy goods.[123] Wealthy women would have owned slaves who they could send out on errands, but poorer women would have needed to go themselves.[124]

Prostitution

Photograph of an Attic red-figure vase, showing a reclining woman.
Photograph of an Attic red-figure vase, showing a female flute player and male guests at a symposium.
As respectable Athenian women could not attend symposia, prostitutes entertained guests. On the left, a hetaira plays the drinking game kottabos; on the right, a flute player, who often provided sexual services as well as musical entertainment, plays while male guests watch. The image on the left is from a kylix; the one on the right is from a krater. Both types of vessel would have been used in the symposium.

In classical Athens, female prostitution was legal, though considered disreputable, and the profits made by prostitutes were subject to tax.[125] Prostitutes working in Athens were considered to be either "pornai" or hetairai ("companions", a euphemism for higher class prostitutes[125]). Many of these were slaves or metics, and state-run brothels staffed by slaves were said to have been established as part of the reforms of Solon.[126][127] However, Athenian-born women did also work in the sex trade in Athens as hetairai.[128] Pornai seem to have charged for each individual sex act, between about one and six obols,[129] while hetairai were more likely to be given gifts and favours by their clients, enabling to them to maintain a fiction that they were not being paid for sex.[130]

Prostitutes were often hired by the hosts of symposiums as entertainment for guests. Evidence of these activities can be seen on red-figure vase paintings. Prostitutes were also drawn on drinking cups as a form of pinups for male entertainment.[131] Along with prostitutes, there would have been dancing girls and musicians at symposiums, who might have been sexually assaulted, and at least in the Aristophanes comedy Thesmophoriazusae, a dancing girl is treated as a prostitute, with Euripides charging the guard a drachma to have sex with her.[132]

Hetairai could be the most independent, well-off, and influential women in Athens,[133] and could form long-term relationships with rich and powerful men.[134] The most successful hetairai would have had the freedom to choose which men they would have as their clients,[135] and sometimes became the concubines of their former clients.[136] Athenian prostitutes probably practiced infanticide more frequently than married citizen women.[137] Sarah Pomeroy suggests that they would have preferred daughters – who could themselves go on to become prostitutes – to sons; some prostitutes also bought slaves and raised abandoned children to work in the profession.[137]

See also

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ancient Athenian women.

Notes

  1. ↑ For instance, Mark Golden points out that Engel's argument equally applies to other pre-industrial societies in which female infanticide is known to have been practiced, and therefore cannot be valid.[25]
  2. ↑ When a woman married, her husband became her new kurios. His authority over his wife extended to the right to select a new husband for his widow in his will.[40]
  3. ↑ For example, if a man's son died, as is the case in Isaeus' speech Against Aristarchus, his daughter could become epikleros.[55]
  4. ↑ Gould points out that women connected with a political opponent are "a clear extension of the first category", i.e. low status women.[65] In the case of Apollodorus Against Neaera, for instance, the speaker argues that Phano is the daughter of the ex-prostitute Neaera. His use of her name is a rhetorical strategy to encourage the jury to think of her as disreputable.[66]
  5. ↑ Marilyn Katz says that the earliest comment on the question dates back to 1592, in Isaac Casaubon's edition of Theophrastus' Characters.[98]
  6. ↑ Except in the case of epikleroi, whose sons inherited, with the line of inheritance being transmitted through their mother.[116]
  7. ↑ Steven Johnstone argues for the manuscript reading of [Demosthenes] 59.67. If he is correct, then women's ability to deal with men while working as market traders without being accused of adultery seems to also have been protected by law.[122]

References

  1. ↑ Osborne 1997, p. 4
  2. ↑ Winkler 1989, p. 19
  3. 1 2 3 4 Gould 1980, p. 39
  4. ↑ Gomme 1925, p. 6
  5. ↑ Gould 1980, p. 38
  6. 1 2 Pomeroy 1994, p. x
  7. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, pp. 93–94
  8. 1 2 Pomeroy 1994, p. 59
  9. ↑ Gomme 1925, p. 10
  10. 1 2 Beaumont 2012, p. 13
  11. ↑ Gomme 1925, p. 1
  12. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, pp. 58–59
  13. 1 2 Haley 1994, p. 26
  14. ↑ Beaumont 2012, p. 4
  15. ↑ Arthur 1976, p. 382
  16. ↑ Hall 1994, p. 367
  17. 1 2 3 Katz 2000, p. 505
  18. ↑ Beaumont 2012, p. 5
  19. ↑ Beaumont 2012, p. 7
  20. ↑ Hall 1994, p. 367
  21. 1 2 Garland 2013, p. 208
  22. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, p. 69
  23. ↑ Engels 1980, p. 112
  24. ↑ Patterson 1985, p. 107
  25. ↑ Golden 1981, p. 318
  26. ↑ Patterson 1985, p. 104
  27. ↑ Grossman 2007, p. 314
  28. 1 2 Noy 2009, p. 407
  29. ↑ Garland 2013, p. 209
  30. ↑ Garland 2013, p. 210
  31. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, p. 68
  32. 1 2 3 Pomeroy 1994, p. 62
  33. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, p. 74
  34. 1 2 Oakley 2013, pp. 166–167
  35. ↑ Grossman 2007, p. 315
  36. ↑ Garland 2013, p. 207
  37. ↑ Osborne 1997, p. 28
  38. 1 2 Dover 1973, p. 61
  39. ↑ Lyons 2003, p. 126
  40. ↑ Gould 1980, p. 44
  41. 1 2 Pomeroy 1994, p. 64
  42. ↑ Bakewell 2008, p. 103
  43. ↑ Davis 1992, p. 289
  44. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, p. 61
  45. ↑ Foxhall 1989, p. 32
  46. 1 2 Cantarella 2005, p. 247
  47. ↑ Kapparis 1999, pp. 268–269
  48. 1 2 3 Pomeroy 1994, p. 63
  49. ↑ Fantham et al. 1994, p. 101
  50. 1 2 Gould 1980, p. 51
  51. ↑ Xenophon, Oeconomicus, 7.35–7.37
  52. 1 2 Gould 1980, p. 43
  53. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, p. 65
  54. 1 2 Cohn-Haft 1995, p. 3
  55. ↑ Isaeus 10.4.
  56. ↑ Lysias 3.6.
  57. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, p. 80
  58. ↑ Cohen 1989, p. 7
  59. ↑ Aristotle, Politics, 1300a.
  60. ↑ Winkler 1989, p. 5
  61. ↑ Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War 2.45.2.
  62. ↑ Noy 2009, p. 399
  63. 1 2 Noy 2009, p. 405
  64. ↑ Schaps 1977, p. 323
  65. 1 2 3 Gould 1980, p. 45
  66. ↑ Noy 2009, p. 401
  67. ↑ Dover 1973, p. 69
  68. ↑ Cohen 1989, pp. 8–9
  69. ↑ Gould 1980, p. 48
  70. ↑ Vlassopoulos 2007, p. 42
  71. ↑ Lewis 2002, p. 138
  72. 1 2 3 Cohen 1989, p. 8
  73. ↑ Cohen 1989, p. 9
  74. ↑ Schaps 1998, p. 179
  75. ↑ Rhodes 1992, p. 95
  76. ↑ Schaps 1998, p. 178
  77. ↑ Loraux 1993, p. 8
  78. ↑ Cantarella 2005, p. 245
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  81. ↑ Goldhill 1994, p. 360
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  84. ↑ Osborne 1997, p. 4
  85. ↑ Roy 1999, p. 5
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  88. ↑ Lysias 1.8.
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  94. ↑ Pomeroy 1994, pp. 76
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  99. 1 2 Roselli 2011, p. 164
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  103. 1 2 Roselli 2011, p. 165
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Works cited

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