Vietnamese phonology

This article is a technical description of the sound system of the Vietnamese language, including phonetics and phonology. Two main varieties of Vietnamese, Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, are described below.

Initial consonants

Initial consonants which exist only in the Hanoi dialect are in red, while those that exist only in the Saigon dialect are in blue.

Labial Dental/
Alveolar		 Retroflex Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ ŋ
Stop/
Affricate		 plain (p) t ʈʂ c k (ʔ)
aspirated tʰ
glottalized ɓ ɗ
Fricative plain f s ʂ x h
voiced v z ʐ c
Approximant l j w
ăn 'to eat' /ăn/ → [ʔăn]
uỷ 'to delegate' /wi/ → [ʔwi]

Hanoi

Ho Chi Minh City (Saigon)

Reduction of consonant clusters

In the Saigonese dialect, all initial consonant + /w/ clusters have been reduced:[3]

hu /hw/ → u /w/
qu /kw/ → u /w/
ngu /ŋw/ → u /w/
tu /tw/ → t /t/
xu /sw/ → x /s/
lu /lw/ → l /l/

Comparison of initials

In Hanoian Vietnamese, d, gi and r are all pronounced [z], while x and s are both pronounced [s]. The table below summarizes these sound correspondences:

Syllable onsets
Hanoi Saigon Example
word Hanoi Saigon
/v/ /j/ vợ   'wife' /və˨˩ˀ/ /jə˨˧/
/z/ da   'skin' /za˧/ /ja˧/
/ʐ/ ra   'to go out' /ʐa˧/
/c/ /c/ chẻ   'split' /cɛ˧˩/ /cɛ˩˥/
/tʂ/ trẻ   'young' /tʂɛ˩˥/
/s/ /s/ xinh   'beautiful' /siŋ˧/ /sɨn˧/
/ʂ/ sinh   'born' /ʂɨn˧/

Vowels

Vowel nuclei

  Front Central Back
Centering /iə̯/ ⟨ia~iê⟩ /ɨə̯/ ⟨ưa~ươ⟩ /uə̯/ ⟨ua~uô⟩
Close /i/ ⟨i, y⟩ /ɨ/ ⟨ư⟩ /u/ ⟨u⟩
Close-mid /e/ ⟨ê⟩ /ə/ ⟨ơ⟩


/ə̆/ ⟨â⟩

 /o/ ⟨ô⟩
Open-mid /ɛ/ ⟨e⟩ /ɔ/ ⟨o⟩
Open   /a/ ⟨a⟩


/ă/ ⟨ă⟩

  

The IPA chart of vowel nuclei to the right is based on the sounds in Hanoi Vietnamese, (i.e., other regions of Vietnam may have different inventories). Vowel nuclei consist of monophthongs (i.e., simple vowels) and three centering diphthongs.

{| cellpadding="4" style="line-height: 1.0em;"

| chị | ('elder sister') | /ci/ | → | [cɪi̯] | | quê | ('countryside') | /kwe/ | → | [wɛe̯] |- | tư | ('fourth') | /tɨ/ | → | [tɯ̽ɯ̯] | | mơ | ('to dream') | /mə/ | → | [mʌɤ̯] |- | thu | ('autumn') | /tʰu/ | → | [tʰʊu̯] | | cô | ('paternal aunt') | /ko/ | → | [kɔo̯]

|}

Closing sequences

In Vietnamese, vowel nuclei are able to combine with offglides /j/ or /w/ to form closing diphthongs and triphthongs. Below is a chart[6] listing the closing sequences of general northern speech.

  /w/ offglide /j/ offglide
Front Central Back
Centering /iə̯w/ ⟨iêu⟩ /ɨə̯w/ ⟨ươu⟩ /ɨə̯j/ ⟨ươi⟩ /uə̯j/ ⟨uôi⟩
Close /iw/ ⟨iu⟩ /hw/ ⟨ưu⟩ /ɨj/ ⟨ưi⟩ /uj/ ⟨ui⟩
Close-mid /ew/ ⟨êu⟩ –


/ə̆w/ ⟨âu⟩

 /əj/ ⟨ơi⟩


/ə̆j/ ⟨ây⟩

 /oj/ ⟨ôi⟩
Open-mid /ɛw/ ⟨eo⟩ /ɔj/ ⟨oi⟩
Open   /aw/ ⟨ao⟩


/ăw/ ⟨au⟩

 /aj/ ⟨ai⟩


/ăj/ ⟨ay⟩

  

Thompson (1965) says that in Hanoi, words spelled with ưu and ươu are pronounced /iw, iəw/, respectively, whereas other dialects in the Tonkin delta pronounce them as /hw/ and /ɨəw/. Hanoi speakers that do pronounce these words with /hw/ and /ɨəw/ are using only a spelling pronunciation.

Final stops

When stops /p, t, k/ occur at the end of words, they have no audible release ([p̚, t̚, k̚]):

đáp 'to reply' /ɗap/ → [ɗap̚]
mát 'cool' /mat/ → [mat̚]
khác 'different' /xak/ → [xak̚]

When the velar consonants /k, ŋ/ are after /u/, /ɔ/ and /o/, they are articulated with a simultaneous bilabial closure [k͡p̚, ŋ͡m] (i.e. doubly articulated) or are strongly labialized [kʷ̚, ŋʷ].

đọc 'to read' /ɗɔk/ → [ɗău̯k͡p̚], [ɗău̯kʷ̚]
độc 'poison' /ɗok/ → [ɗə̆u̯k͡p̚], [ɗə̆u̯kʷ̚]
đục 'muddy' /ɗuk/ → [ɗʊk͡p̚], [ɗʊkʷ̚]
phòng 'room' /fɔŋ/ → [fău̯ŋ͡m], [fău̯ŋʷ]
ông 'man' /oŋ/ → [ə̆u̯ŋ͡m], [ə̆u̯ŋʷ]
ung 'cancer' /uŋ/ → [ʔʊŋ͡m], [ʔʊŋʷ]

Hanoi finals

Vietnamese rimes ending with velar consonants have been diphthongized in the Hanoian dialect:[7]

ong, oc /ɔŋ/, /ɔk/ → [ău̯ŋ͡m], [ău̯k͡p̚]
ông, ôc /oŋ/, /ok/ → [ə̆u̯ŋ͡m], [ə̆u̯k͡p̚]
anh, ach /ɛŋ/, /ɛk/ → [ăi̯ŋ], [ăi̯k̚]
ênh, êch /eŋ/, /ek/ → [ə̆i̯ŋ], [ə̆i̯k̚]

The monophthongal variants are now mainly heard in the Nghệ An, Hà Tĩnh ([ɔːŋ], [ɔːk], [oːŋ], [oːk]) and a few South Central Coast dialects ([eːŋ], [eːk]), and have been diphthongized in most Northern and Southern varieties (not to be confused with the palatalized recognitions of on [ɔːŋ], ot [ɔːk], ôn [oːŋ], ôt [oːk] in Southern varieties).

Analysis of final ch, nh

The pronunciation of syllable-final ch and nh in Hanoi Vietnamese has had different analyses. One analysis, that of Thompson (1965) has them as being phonemes /c, ɲ/, where /c/ contrasts with both syllable-final t /t/ and c /k/ and /ɲ/ contrasts with syllable-final n /n/ and ng /ŋ/. Final /c, ɲ/ is, then, identified with syllable-initial /c, ɲ/.

Another analysis has final ⟨ch⟩ and ⟨nh⟩ as representing predictable allophonic variants of the velar phonemes /k/ and /ŋ/ that occur after upper front vowels /i/ (orthographic ⟨i⟩) and /e/ (orthographic ⟨ê⟩). This analysis interprets orthographic ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as an underlying /ɛ/, which becomes phonetically open and diphthongized: /ɛk/ → [ăi̯k̟], /ɛŋ/ → [ăi̯ŋ̟].[8]

Arguments for the second analysis include the limited distribution of final [c] and [r], the gap in the distribution of [k] and [ŋ] which do not occur after [i] and [e], the pronunciation of ⟨ach⟩ and ⟨anh⟩ as [ɛc] and [ɛɲ] in certain conservative central dialects,[7] and the patterning of [k]~[c] and [ŋ]~[r] in certain reduplicated words. Additionally, final [c] is not usually articulated as far forward as the initial [c]: [c] and [r] are pre-velar [k̟, ŋ̟].

The first analysis closely follows the surface pronunciation of a slightly different Hanoi dialect than the second. In this dialect, the /a/ in /ac/ and /aɲ/ is not diphthongized but is actually articulated more forward, approaching a front vowel [æ]. This results in a three-way contrast between the rimes ăn [æ̈n] vs. anh [æ̈ɲ] vs. ăng [æ̈ŋ]. For this reason, a separate phonemic /ɲ/ is posited.

Saigon finals

While the variety of Vietnamese spoken in Hanoi has preserved finals faithfully from old Vietnamese, the variety spoken in Saigon has drastically changed its finals. There were two steps in the development of rimes in the Saigonese dialect from old Vietnamese. In the first step, -ch and -nh merged with -t and -n, while rimes ending in /t, n/ (except after /i, e/) merged with /k, ŋ/. In the second step, vowels in alveolar rimes became centralized,[9] analogous to the diphthongization in the Hanoian dialect.

Comparison of finals

Below is a table of rimes ending in /n, t, ŋ, k/ for the Hanoian dialect:

/ă/ /a/ /ɛ/ /ɔ/ /ə̆/ /ə/ /e/ /o/ /i/ /ɨ/ /u/ /iə̯/ /ɨə̯/ /uə̯/
/n/ ăn an en on ân ơn ên ôn in ưn un iên ươn uôn
/t/ ăt at et ot ât ơt êt ôt it ưt ut iêt ươt uôt
/ŋ/ ăng ang anh ong âng – ênh ông inh ưng ung iêng ương uông
/k/ ăc ac ach oc âc – êch ôc ich ưc uc iêc ươc uôc

In the Saigonese dialect, /k, ŋ/ and /t, n/ are only distinguished after /a, ə, ɨ/ and do not occur after /i, e/:

/ă/ /a/ /ɛ/ /ɔ/ /ə̆/ /ə/ /o/ /ɨ/ /u/ /iə̯/ /ɨə̯/ /uə̯/
/n/ anh ên
ênh		 in
inh
/t/ ach êt
êch		 it
ich
/ŋ/ ăn
ăng		 an
ang		 en on
ong		 ân
âng		 ơn ôn
ông		 ưn
ưng		 un
ung		 iên
iêng		 ươn
ương		 uôn
uông
/k/ ăt
ăc		 at
ac		 et ot
oc		 ât
âc		 ơt ôt
ôc		 ưt
ưc		 ut
uc		 iêt
iêc		 ươt
ươc		 uôt
uôc

Tone

Vietnamese vowels are all pronounced with an inherent tone. Tones differ in

Unlike many Native American, African, and Chinese languages, Vietnamese tones do not rely solely on pitch contour. Vietnamese often uses instead a register complex (which is a combination of phonation type, pitch, length, vowel quality, etc.). So perhaps a better description would be that Vietnamese is a register language and not a "pure" tonal language.[10]

In Vietnamese orthography, tone is indicated by diacritics written above or below the vowel.

Six-tone analysis

There is much variation among speakers concerning how tone is realized phonetically. There are differences between varieties of Vietnamese spoken in the major geographic areas (i.e. northern, central, southern) and smaller differences within the major areas (e.g. Hanoi vs. other northern varieties). In addition, there seems to be variation among individuals. More research is needed to determine the remaining details of tone realization and the variation among speakers.

Northern varieties

The six tones in the Hanoi and other northern varieties are:

Tone name Tone ID Description Chao Tone Contour Diacritic Example
ngang "level" A1 mid level ˧ (33) (no mark) ba ('three')
huyền "hanging" A2 low falling (breathy) ˨˩ (21) or (31) ` bà ('lady')
sắc "sharp" B1 mid rising, tense ˧˥ (35) ´ bá ('governor')
nặng "heavy" B2 mid falling, glottalized, short ˧ˀ˨ʔ (3ˀ2ʔ) or ˧ˀ˩ʔ (3ˀ1ʔ)  ̣ bạ ('at random')
hỏi "asking" C1 mid falling(-rising), harsh ˧˩˧ (313) or (323) or (31)  ̉ bả ('poison')
ngã "tumbling" C2 mid rising, glottalized ˧ˀ˥ (3ˀ5) or (4ˀ5) ˜ bã ('residue')
Northern Vietnamese (non-Hanoi) tones as uttered by a male speaker in isolation. From Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998)
Hanoi tones as uttered by a female speaker in isolation. From Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998)
Hanoi tones as uttered by a different female speaker in isolation. From Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998)

Ngang tone:

Huyền tone:

Hỏi tone:

Ngã tone:

Sắc tone:

Nặng tone:

Southern varieties

The Southern variety is similar through all tones except for the nặng tone, which is pronounced [˨˧]. Many of those speaking Southern dialects will omit using the ngã tone and replace it with the hỏi tone.

North-central and Central varieties

North-central and Central Vietnamese varieties are fairly similar with respect to tone although within the North-central dialect region there is considerable internal variation.

It is sometimes said (by people from other provinces) that people from Nghệ An pronounce every tone as a nặng tone.

Eight-tone analysis

An older analysis assumes eight tones rather than six.[12] This follows the lead of traditional Chinese phonology. In Middle Chinese, normal syllables allowed for three tonal distinctions, but syllables ending with /p/, /t/ or /k/ had no tonal distinctions. Rather, they were consistently pronounced with in a short high tone, which was called the entering tone and considered a fourth tone. Similar considerations lead to the identification of two additional tones in Vietnamese for syllables ending in /p/, /t/ and /k/. These are not phonemically distinct, however, and hence not considered as separate tones by modern linguists.

Syllables and phonotactics

According to Hannas (1997), there are 4,500 to 4,800 possible spoken syllables (depending on dialect), and the standard national orthography (Quốc Ngữ) can represent 6,200 syllables (Quốc Ngữ orthography represents more phonemic distinctions than are made by any one dialect).[13]

The Vietnamese syllable structure follows the scheme:

Hanoi: (C1)(w)V(G|C2)+T
Saigon: (C1)V(G|C2)+T

where

  • C1 = initial consonant onset
  • w = labiovelar on-glide /w/
  • V = vowel nucleus
  • G = off-glide coda (/j/ or /w/)
  • C2 = final consonant coda
  • T = tone.

In other words, a syllable can have an optional consonant onset, an optional on-glide /w/ (Hanoi only), and an optional coda. The vowel nucleus may have an additional off-glide.

More explicitly, the syllable types are as follows:

Syllable Example Syllable Example
V ê "eh" wV uể "sluggish"
VC ám "possess (by ghosts,.etc)" wVC oán "bear a grudge"
VC ớt "capsicum" wVC oắt "little imp"
CV nữ "female" CwV huỷ "cancel"
CVC cơm "rice" CwVC toán "math"
CVC tức "angry" CwVC hoặc "or"

C1:

Any consonant may occur in as an onset with the following exceptions:

w:

V:

The vowel nucleus V may be any of the following 14 monophthongs or diphthongs: /i, ɨ, u, e, ə, o, ɛ, ə̆, ɔ, ă, a, iə̯, ɨə̯, uə̯/.

G: The offglide may be /j/ or /w/. Together, V and G must form one of the diphthongs or triphthongs listed in the section on Vowels. The offglide cannot be /w/ if the syllable contains a /w/ onglide, except for case of 'khuỷu (tay)' (elbow).

C2:

The optional coda C2 is restricted to labial, coronal, & velar stops /p, t, k/ and nasals /m, n, ŋ/.

T:

Syllables are spoken with an inherent tone contour. All tone contours are possible for open syllables (syllables without consonant codas) and closed syllables with nasal codas. If the syllable is closed with labial, coronal, or velar stops /p, t, k/, only 2 contours are possible, that is the sắc and the nặng tone.

Notes

2

Below is a table comparing four linguists' different transcriptions of Vietnamese vowels as well as the orthographic representation. Notice that this article mostly follows Han (1966), with the exception of marking short vowels short.

 comparison of orthography & vowel descriptions
Orthography Wikipedia Thompson[2] Han[4] Nguyễn[14] Đoàn[15]
i/y i iː i i i
ê e eː e e e
e ɛ ɛː ɛ a ɛ
ư ɨ ɯː ɨ ɯ ɯ
u u uː u u u
ô ɯ ɯː ɯ ɯ ɯ
o ɔ ɔː ɔ ɔ ɔ
ơ ə ɤː ɜː əː ɤː
â ə̆ ʌ ɜ ə ɤ
a a æː ɐː ɐː aː
ă ă ɐ ɐ ɐ a

Thompson (1965) says that the vowels [ʌ] (orthographic â) and [ɐ] (orthographic ă) are shorter than all of the other vowels, which is shown here with the length mark [ː] added to the other vowels. His vowels above are only the basic vowel phonemes. Thompson gives a very detailed description of each vowel's various allophonic realizations.

Han (1966) uses acoustic analysis, including spectrograms and formant measuring and plotting, to describe the vowels. She states that the primary difference between orthographic ơ & â and a & ă is a difference of length (a ratio of 2:1). ơ = /ɜː/, â = /ɜ/; a = /ɐː/, ă = /ɐ/. Her formant plots also seem to show that /ɜː/ may be slightly higher than /ɜ/ in some contexts (but this would be secondary to the main difference of length).

Another thing to mention about Han's studies is that she uses a rather small number of participants and, additionally, although her participants are native speakers of the Hanoi variety, they all have lived outside of Hanoi for a significant period of their lives (i.e. in France or Ho Chi Minh City).

Nguyễn (1997) has a simpler, more symmetrical description. He says that his work is not a "complete grammar" but rather a "descriptive introduction." So, his chart above is more a phonological vowel chart rather than a phonetic one.

References

  1. 1 2 3 Kirby, James P. (2011). "Vietnamese (Hanoi Vietnamese)" (PDF). Journal of the International Phonetic Association 41 (3): 381–392. doi:10.1017/S0025100311000181.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 Thompson (1965)
  3. ↑ Phạm, Andrea Hòa (2009), "The identity of non-identified sounds: glottal stop, prevocalic /w/ and triphthongs in Vietnamese", Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 34
  4. 1 2 Han (1966)
  5. ↑ Hoang (1965:24)
  6. ↑ From Nguyễn (1997)
  7. 1 2 Phạm (2006)
  8. ↑ Although there are some words where orthographic ⟨c⟩ and ⟨ng⟩ occur after /ɛ/, these words are few and are mostly loanwords or onomatopoeia
  9. ↑ Phạm, Andrea Hòa (2013), "Synchronic evidence for historical hypothesis – Vietnamese palatals", Linguistic Association of Canada and the United States Forum 39
  10. ↑ Phạm (2003:93)
  11. ↑ For example, Nguyễn & Edmondson (1998) show a male speaker from Nam Định with lax voice and a female speaker from Hanoi with breathy voice for the huyền tone while another male speaker from Hanoi has modal voice for the huyền.
  12. ↑ Phạm (2003:45)
  13. ↑ Hannas (1997:88)
  14. ↑ Nguyễn (1997)
  15. ↑ Đoàn (1980)

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